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[Feuerblume]

Ethnic militia: Time bomb waiting to explode
By MUYIWA OYINLOLA
Friday, March 24, 2006


•Asari Dokubo
Photo: Sun News Publishing
More Stories on this Section
With the hostage-taking saga in Niger Delta, activities of ethnic militia group have come to the fore once again. Some people may see the emergence of the groups as dangerous, but in 1990s they were welcomed.

Then, Nigerians were tired of military rule and needed groups that would support human rights activists to checkmate the general Sani Abacha’s ambition of translating into civilian president.

At vanguard of the campaign then was the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) in the South West, The Egbesu Boys in the Niger Delta area and the Bakasi Boys in the South East. The North needed none, as it was in control of the ruling military clique, but these groups soon outlived their relevance with the advent of democracy in 1999.

With the exit of the Military in 1999, the militia started engaging themselves in violence and hundreds of lives were lost. Incidentally, leaders of the major ethnic groups, including the OPC, the Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force (NDPVF) and Movement for the Actualization of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), have been arrested and put behind bars. This has, however, not deterred the groups.
OPC

The group considers every Yoruba man/woman its (potential) member. Its ideal is to protect Yoruba interests both within the shore and outside of the South West. Its orientation was based on the perceived injustice the race suffered with the annulment of 1993 presidential election, presumably won by one of its own, the late Chief M.K.O. Abiola. OPC was a major player within the group that fought against the tranformation of late General Abacha to a civilian president in the 90’s.

It, however, seems to have shot itself on the foot in recent times, having fallen from a protective agent to what is now perceived a vindictive and culpable group.

It had been rocked by leadership crisis. This polarized it into two factions – the militant led by Otunba Gani Adams and the conservative, led by Dr Fredrick Fasehun. These two groups later became enemies who fought each other.

NDPV
Dokubo’s men know what they want. They feel they don’t belong to Nigeria, and they want an exit. They want to control the oil in the Niger Delta region under a new nation, if possible.
In a bid to achieve their objectives, the NDPVF had kidnapped expatriates working in Shell Development Company (SPDC), along with some Nigerian technocrats from other parts of the country times without number. Now, some expatriates are being held hostage by the Movement for Defence of Niger Delta (MEND).

The group’s mode of operation is purely militant. Sometimes in 2004, Dokubo submitted guns and other ammunition to the Federal Government after a peace agreement. “Apart from the fact that the Ijaws have failed to see reasons with me, I took the decision because I am through with the armed struggle, having belonged to the PRONACO, which detests such recourse to agitation, he said after handling over about 2,100 arms out of the 3,000 he promised to surrender during an earlier meeting with President Olusegun Obasanjo, in 2004.

Dokubo considers his fight a life battle. He once disclosed. “I believe that my life is in the hands of God and that nobody can kill me. I am so certain in my belief that even if the whole world rises to kill me, they will not succeed if God says No.

“But if God says that Asari Dokubo must die, nobody can make him live. That is the way I look at life and I cannot be intimidated by anyone, no matter their position in life.” For all he cares, the Ijaws would soon be in control of their God-given resources, sooner or later, adding, “whether the oil companies operate on the land or offshore, we will still demand a fair share of our wealth as long as such firms are operating on Ijaw territory. “Whether they run to the sun or moon, we shall get at them, they will not be able to escape because the oil belongs to us and we must have 100percent control over the resources taken from our land.”

After a long wait, Obasanjo’s security men in its usual characteristics, invited Dokubo to Abuja from his Port-Harcourt base and locked him up.

MASSOB
MASSOB’s agitation is not any different from what the NDPVF wants. Uwazuruke’s group is demanding a new nation to be controlled by a section of Igboland. To students of history, the young man is only continuing from where the octogenarian Ikemba Nnewi, Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu stopped at the end of the civil war.

Members of this group appear the least militant among the three major groups, yet not without its own element of violence. However, rather than engage in arms struggle, resistance, protest and other methods, there are instances, where all Igbo closed shops (sit at home) in identifying with the struggle.

Uwazuruike and six others, however, became guests of security agents last November, having been charged with treason and arraigned before a Federal High Court. This act was an aftermath of a protest engaged upon by the group earlier in the month. They have since remained in police custody.
Clampdown on militia leaders of major ethnic groups are being held for various offences ranging from civil disobedience to treason.

Opinions are, however, divided about the motive of government in this exercise. In fact, the belief in the human rights community is that they are being held to pave way for a smooth attainment of Obasanjo’s third term agenda.

[BrauKa]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 20.946.581 von Feuerblume am 25.03.06 12:26:55

Hey Feuerblume,

wo ist dein Bild
warst du doch, oder

[daimlerfreak]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 20.946.581 von Feuerblume am 25.03.06 12:26:55

genau das hab ich mich auch gefragt, wen interessiert da schon ENERGULF?

wollte ja schon nach Capoeira fragen, bin aber zu schüchtern

[killajette]

Ich auch

Habe extra draufgeklickt um mir das süße Foto anzuschauen

Nu isses wech

FEUERBLUMÄÄÄÄ WO IST DEIN BILD

[killajette]

Ahhhhhhhhhh die Sonne geht auf


Endlich wieder ein schöner Anblick

[schobbesaufer]

[Feuerblume]

[killajette]

#7

genau, dass hätte als Eröffnungsthread völlig gelangt. Wen interessiert den schon die dumme Aktie von Energulf. Gibt doch viel schöneres im Leben

[khmetzel]

Hallo

Was hat das Ganze mit Energulf zu tun?

Gruss Kalle

[schobbesaufer]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 20.948.440 von khmetzel am 25.03.06 21:21:05

das ist eben ein gedankenaustausch......

stellst du diese frage auch den longs, wenn sie abseits der sachlichen schiene über diverse user herziehen und dabei das thema energulf links liegenlassen ??????

kalle kalle

[Depotmaster]

Der Ölpreis ist aber inzwischen einen kleinen Absturz fällig geworden. Die Terminmärkte können die Menge die zur Zeit auf den Markt kommt nicht ewig verschleiern.

[Feuerblume]

Vanguard (Lagos)
March 25, 2006
Posted to the web March 25, 2006
Emma Amaize, Regional Editor, South-South

Nigeria: Lingering Hostage Crisis - Nationwide Blackout Looms (

WHEN Saturday Vanguard concluded its tour of the creeks of Niger-Delta, preceding week, where it inspected the flow stations hurriedly deserted by oil workers and other oil facilities that were blown up with explosives by armed militants, there was no gainsaying the actuality that the country is in a sticky situation.

Because we broke the news, we decided to first serve you the particulars of the attacks or otherwise on some Ijaw communities, which the Movement for Emancipation of the Niger-Delta (MEND), the assemblage that is holding the nation's economy at the jugular claimed, impelled the consequential blitz and abduction of fresh nine foreign oil workers as human shield, February 18. Six of them had been freed, remaining two Americans and a Briton.

Today, we tell you the other side of the story. That is the implication of the devastation; where it has left the country at the moment; the bleak realities if the jumble is not checked on time and; what the American and British governments are doing to save their nationals who seemed to have been left at the mercy of the militants.

The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr. Edmund Daukoru may not have visited the creeks to see things for himself but he was on target when he declared, penultimate Monday, in Lagos that the Federal Government would find it difficult to implement the 2006 budget with a financial outlay of $15billion if the unending demolition of oil installations by militants in the Niger-Delta region was not halted.

As at the first quarter (January - March) of this year, he observed, $1billion was already gone while 621, 000 barrels produced per day have been shut in. Over 500,000 barrels is locked in the Western operational area of the Shell Petroluem Development Company (SPDC), the operator of the Joint Venture of the Federal Government and the oil companies.

Shattered facilities

It's not easy to understand what is going on until one ventures into the creeks and that is exactly what Saturday Vanguard did to put our readers in a better position than others. The truth on ground now is that the oil industry has been crippled. From the Brass creek to Chanomi creek across the Atlantic Ocean to Jones creek and parts of Bayelsa and Rivers States, it was blots on the landscape, beginning January 11 with the bombing of Brass creek manifold and the Benisede flow station in Bayelsa State, four days after January 15. The militants in that showdown at Benisede killed no fewer than 13 soldiers.

And this was just few days after the first set of foreign oil workers were taken hostage early in the year. The Chanomi Manifold; Crude Loading Platform (CLP) at the Forcados and a military houseboat at Chanomi were blown up, February 18.

Six days after at the Jones Creek, which is on February 24, a Block Valve Station, Egwa II, Odidi II and Forcados North Bank Tie-In Manifolds were attacked, while the "angels of destruction" visited the Aghori Block Valve and Agge Block Valve Stations, March 3.

Of course, the SPDC, which is operating most of these oil stations on behalf of the Federal Government and other oil companies had evacuated its workers from the troubled sites and so, most of the places were like a ghost yard when Saturday Vanguard made its stopover.

Looming power outage

Normally, one would hail the boys for having the arsenal to prove to the Abjuja government that the people, on whose land the oil from which they feed chubby is explored, are tired of the subjugation.

"But one thing the people do not know is that it is very likely that the entire country would be thrown into total darkness within the next two weeks as a result of the destruction of oil installations by militants", a top official of the oil industry told Saturday Vanguard in Warri.

According to him: "The Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) is presently load-shedding electricity throughout the country and in some places, there is no electricity at all, and instead of asking questions, people are clapping for the militants".

"The truth of the matter", he continued, "is that there is no gas for the thermal plants to run and without gas, PHCN cannot generate electricity, and this gas cannot be supplied now for the thermal plants at the Delta Power Station, Afam, Sapele and other places because the flow stations have been destroyed by MEND or whatever you call them".

"So the next thing you will see is total black- out in our fatherland. Have you people thought about that? You see, crude oil is sent to the refinery from the flow stations and it is at the refinery that gas is extracted and sent to the thermal plants but now, the refineries are not working because the flow stations are down. What that means is that there is no gas and some people are sounding a loud ovation for the militants", he said.

Saturday Vanguard was told that the county could witness the longest power outage in its history if the thermal plants run out of gas for it would take up to three months for the SPDC to repair the damage wreaked on its installations by the militants and repairs from all indications, can only start when the oil workers held hostage have been released.

PHCN's business manager in Warri, Engr. Emeka Ezeaku confirmed that the massive load shedding at Warri and environs was as result of the crisis in the region. His words: "The poor power supply people are experiencing is as a result of the national problem we have. Like everyone knows, we have problems at the creeks. The gas pipelines to our major power stations have been blown up. When there is no gas supply, generation is low and this is why we have embarked on massive load-shedding until the pipes are repaired".

"At the moment, we are load shedding feeders, depending on the allocation we have. Sometimes we have up to 30 megawatts and this is very small to go round. Like this morning (Monday) for instance, before we knew it, the Refinery One feeder that is carrying a very big load was opened so that the system would not collapse. We are managing the system, so we appeal to everybody to bear with us. This is a national problem", he said.

"Some of the militants who are blowing up these oil facilities are oil bunkerers who are fighting the system for trying to tighten the noose on them and they are disguising their selfish battle as Niger-Delta struggle. For all you know, these are rich people. They can afford the money to buy fuel even at very high cost to run their generators but how many ordinary men can buy fuel at an exorbitant rate to run a generator if he has one?", an official who is perturbed by the activities of the militants queried.

A Warri resident, Mr. Simon Otote, said he did not know that the power outage already being experienced in Delta State was as a result of the attacks by the militants until recently when he read a news report in Vanguard on the implications.

"Actually, I was blaming the PHCN, wondering when they would ever get things right if after changing from Never Expect Power Always (NEPA), the situation keeps getting worse", he said.

For the Adagbasa family at Effurun, "We have resigned ourselves to fate. We do not really know when NEPA will give us light. They say they are rationing but now, we stay up to three four, five days at a stretch without light at all. And even when it comes, sometimes in the night, it is just for some few hours", Mr. Okey Adagbasa stated.

"With the acute scarcity of petrol, those who are privileged to have generators cannot even enjoy electricity because the cost is too high. A 20-litre gallon of fuel is selling for N2, 000 now and it cannot take you for more than three days in your house. Tell me where we are going with this", his co-tenant, Mr. Stephen Arubi asserted.

At most of the offices in the oil city of Warri, electricity is now seen as a luxury. Once there is no electricity, which is often the case, both managers and workers come out to take fresh air outside. Only banks, some other big corporate organizations, a number of government establishments and well-to-do individuals are able to run their diesel generators at the moment and it could be only a matter of time before the available supply runs out.

Oil production, export grounded

What was not unambiguously comprehended from Dr. Daukoru's revelation that Nigeria was losing $1billion per day due to the attacks on oil installations by militant youths is the obvious realism that the country has neither produced nor exported oil in the past one month.

Already, long queues are back to the petrol stations. While one can see petrol, cooking gas is likely to become very scarce soon. Kerosene is virtually an essential commodity and for those who use diesel, the toll is setting in.

"One thing some people have not realized is that the SPDC is running a venture for the Federal Government. When you attack oil facilities saying that it is because you don't like somebody in Shell, it is the economy of the country that you are attacking because the company is working for the government of the county and is the backbone of the nation's economy", an informed source stated.

Investors backpedal

The attacks have a reverberating effect on investments as the top oil industry officials that spoke to Saturday Vanguard said some international investors who were to commence operations on gas expansion projects had gone back with their money because of the crisis. The target date and projections to reduce gas flaring in the region would also be affected due to the stoppage of operations.

"They cry of underdevelopment but development comes with money from outside. Now, they have driven investors who came from outside back. This is a very serious matter if you understand what I am saying", one of them stated.

Toxic waste

Salvaging an ugly situation

The biggest threat to the economy of the country right now is not the destruction per se because the havoc had already been committed. The problem is that the atmosphere conducive for the repairs of damaged installations to enable things pick up again has not been created.

Government had already tied the repairs of the destroyed facilities to the release of the hostages and clearly, there is no oil worker that would like to return to the creeks when his security is not guaranteed. For now, freedom for the three outstanding hostages going by the talks between the government and the militants is unpredictable.

Foreign intervention

With what seemed to be Federal Government's disinterestedness in negotiating with the militants or their agents, a concerned United States of America and British governments which have been monitoring developments from the sideline for sometime now, decided during the week to discuss with some Ijaw groups and persons that could facilitate the release of their trapped citizens.

A seven-man delegation comprising Mr. Richard Anderson and Mr. Joseph Shellin of the Federal Bureau of Investigation; Messrs James Webster and Rebecca Steward of the Department of State; British Deputy High Commissioner in Nigeria, Mr. James Donan arrived Warri, Monday night, and on Tuesday, held talks with the leaders of the Federated Niger-Delta Ijaw Communities (FNDIC), led by Chief Bello Oboko on how the hostages could be released.

Also on the FNDIC side during the meeting was its secretary, Mr. Kingsley Otuaro; Mr. Dan Ekpebide; Mr. Bennedy Johnbull and others.

The joint British and American team had earlier met with officials of the state government that have been thickly involved in the release process in Warri for briefing. They included the Secretary to the State Government, Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan; Director of State Security Service, Mr. Adebayo Babalola; and the Commissioner for Ethnic Relations and Conflict Resolution, Mr. Ovuozorie Macaulay.

The session with a close-knit crew of the FNDIC was held in a convivial atmosphere but the concession, which the militants want to extract from America and Britain before releasing the hostages was not secured.

"Actually, the militants want the American and British governments to prevail on the Federal Government to meet their conditions before release of the hostages but the foreign negotiators who have been told the government's position before they came to Warri insisted that they do not have such a mandate and that moreover, it was not possible for the them to negotiate with them under pressure", our source stated.

Prospects

The expectations as at now is that the three hostages would be released after the census exercise. Ijaw leader, Chief Edwin Clark who spoke to Saturday Vanguard shortly after the leader of the militant group called and discussed with him on phone, Thursday, said: "They would be released. I want Nigerians to be patient a little more".

Besides the wreckage that the oil industry has been turned into, the attacks have brought in its wake massive oil spillage, which has polluted the environment and aquatic life. "This is another great danger", an oil expert said, adding that, "there is no doubt that the creeks are polluted and a total clean up has to be done to check resultant deaths of people; destruction of bio-diversity; wild life and even the ground water".

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 20.946.581 von Feuerblume am 25.03.06 12:26:55

Dearth Of Activists In Politics Dangerous For Nigeria

... Hon. Kingsley Kuku

He is one young man whose views on any issue ignite an admixture of sorts. Hence, he not only means different things to many people, but several things to even the same person at a time.
Perhaps, his socio-political background may have had a far-reaching impact on his thoughts, views and actions. Hon Kingsley Kemembradigha Kuku, the only non-Yoruba legislator in the Ondo State House of Assembly (representing the Arogbo/Apoi Ijaws of Ese-Odo Local Government) could therefore, be said to be girded in garlands of activism.
From his days in the then Ondo State University (now University of Ado-Ekiti), Kuku demonstrated his readiness for service when he made at attempt to seek the presidency of the institution’s Students Union body. This was, however, unsuccessful, and thereafter, he became the Mobilisaton Officer of NANS for the South-west. Thus, the readiness of Kuku to join the league of the nation’s activists no longer became doubtful.
Indeed, there was little or no surprise on the part of the people when he ventured to serve his people in Arogbo Ward 1 as a councilor in 1997, but failed again in that bid.
Kuku, resilient as ever, sought further heights. His next destination was the Ondo state legislature. Thus, in 1998, Kuku was the youngest of the signatories to the now famous KAIAMA DECLARATION , alongside the likes of Oronto Douglas, Felix Tuodolo and other non-violent Ijaw youth activists.
He was subsequently elected as the pioneer Spokesman of the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) worldwide. He is also the spokesman of the Ijaw Youths Leaders Forum, a select group of Ijaw egg-heads of his generation, especially those who played prominent roles in the Kaiama Declaration.
In this encounter with Sunday independent a few days ago, Kuku bared his mind on network of issues, particularly as they affect the Ijaw nation and the wider Niger Delta. Although he is now a politician, precisely a lawmaker, his mien was soaked in between political participation and activism, but not oblivious of the challenges inherent in combining both.
Expectedly therefore, Kuku’s slogan, like any other activist, is marginalisation, and the need to address the problems of his people. But how far has he gone along that line? Is it a worthy experience?
“It has been quite challenging and dangerous if you really want to represent your people and hold sacred the mandate entrusted to you. My people and environment which is the Niger Delta part of Ondo State is poor, backward and underdeveloped.
“Successive governments have through policies neglected my people, except fairly under the late Navy Captain Anthony Onyearugbulem’s administration. They were marginalised in citing of projects and appointments in the state until 2003.
“If truly you are elected to treasure the mandate of such people, it can only be challenging, when out of 26 , I happen to be the only Ijaw representative. But in the last two years , I have tried my best to advocate justice for my people, agitate against government brutality on my people and of course, I have lobbied constructively without compromising my treasured principles and development for my people.”
But in doing this, does his activist self clash with the politician in him? His response is as good as calling the refusal of activists to get actively involved in politics an anomaly.
“I came into politics believing strongly that we cant as activists, all stay out of political service of our people, criticising demonstrating against anti-people policies of unworthy leaders who grab leadership just because we refuse to participate.
“I felt it would be great wrestling power with them, and at best, ensuring mass-oriented policies that will merit the mass of the people. I felt there was the need to come in and lay examples of service and not leadership. It is, however, instructive to note that genuine activists are on the Nigerian political scene , hence a dangerous game.
“Everybody knows the right thing for the people but will refuse to say the right thing for the people or do it because of the devilish interest of a godfather or a thieving clique in and out of government. Most people are either scared or intimidated because of the way and manner they got into office.
“For me, I can proudly say that the situation is different because my electors are my godfathers.”
As someone in government, one’s expectation was to hear him echo the disapproval of the action of the Niger Delta militants who have become engrossed in the art of hostage- taking. But the activist-turned lawmaker’s reaction to the issue is rather different.
“The issue of hostage taking is a new dimension to the Niger Delta struggle over the years that has been occasioned by the insensitivity of government to the rising stakes in the Niger Delta region. The Ijaw are the third largest ethnic group in Nigeria and the largest in the Niger Delta. They produce 65% of the nation’s wealth, yet they are 98% most neglected and devastated.
“Late Major Issac Adaka Boro drew government’s attention to the Niger Delta area in the 60s. He was murdered. Ken Saro Wiwa raised issues of environment, they hanged him; and Asari Dokubo resisted armed terrorism in Rivers State, he was pardoned presidentially, and when he joined PRONACO, he was arrested and charged with treason.
“Odi was burnt down by the federal government with several impaired whilst a small God-fearing Ijaw community, Okenrekoko, which is even a zion settlement, is under bombardment by a bunkering military in Delta .
“Amidst several thieving governors in Nigeria, the only Ijaw governor was plotted against while others lavish their resources with impunity. Our oil is exploited without attendant development plans for the region in the last 40 years, while the proceeds are used to develop non-contributing regions.
“Government has a duty to view these militants as aggrieved Nigerians that must be heard and their grievances addressed. They must not be waived as rascals, hooligans , terrorists and unfits. Their concerns that are reasonable should be addressed, while those that are inadmissible by law should be made clear to them too, because a lawless society is doomed.
“Also, government should also understand that the use of force to address the issue of hostage taking will be counter –productive, because the lives of several thousands who are not militants are at stake , and they cannot even amend or control the ways of the said militants.”
What then is his own suggestion to the imbroglio?
“My own idea as regards the way out is for government to set up a high powered team with basic knowledge of the area and request for a team from the militants to talk on these demands. Either must know that we hardly win war and peace at the same time. And I believe the said militants don’t want war too, at least not against their dear giant of Africa.

[Feuerblume]

Nach dem Blutrausch der Milizen in Onitsha

Erst jagten Muslime Christen, dann jagten Christen im Osten Nigerias Muslime. Das Ergebnis: über 1.000 Tote

ONITSHA taz Ungerührt schauen die beiden Jugendlichen über die Trümmer. Sie sitzen im ersten Geschoss eines Rohbaus und schauen direkt auf die verwüstete Hauptstraße von Onitsha. "Hier ist überhaupt nichts passiert", sagt der eine. "Alles wunderbar!", fügt der andere hinzu. Mehr sagen die Männer im Marihuana-Dunst nicht. Vielleicht wollen ihre geschwollenen Augen die dem Erdboden gleichgemachten Geschäfte der Muslime nicht sehen. Auch nicht die geschleifte kleine Moschee.

Onitsha im Osten Nigerias ist einer der wichtigsten Handelsknotenpunkte Westafrikas. Ein paar hundert Meter von den beiden Haschischrauchern entfernt spannt sich eine riesige Hängebrücke über den Niger-Fluss. Am Fuße der Brücke beginnt der "Head Bridge Market", wo für ganz Nigeria Waren umgeschlagen werden: Zwiebeln, Tomaten, Karotten, Ziegen, Flussfische aus dem Norden; Auto- und Motorradersatzteile, Elektronikgeräte, Medikamente aus dem Süden. Und hier begann im Februar mörderische Gewalt - als Reaktion auf die dänischen Mohammed-Karikaturen. Christen jagten Muslime, nachdem im nordnigerianischen Maiduguri Muslime Christen gejagt hatten.

Pater Aloysius Orakwe, Sprecher der Diözese von Onitsha, erinnert sich. "Hier am Markt halten sich die meisten Nordnigerianer auf", erzählt er. "Unweit von hier halten die Busse aus dem Norden. Ein Gerücht ging um, dass ein Bus aus Maiduguri mit den Leichen der dort getöteten Igbos angekommen sei. Eine Stunde später herrschte ein Klima des Tötens, das ich so noch nicht gesehen hatte".

Muslime sagen, dass nicht christliche Jugendliche aus Onitsha für die Angriffe verantwortlich waren, sondern angereiste gewaltbereite. Onitsha galt als Handelszentrum stets als verhältnismäßig tolerant. Wie auch Maiduguri im Norden.

Nigerias Regierung nennt Todeszahlen bei solchen Ereignissen nur ungern. Dadurch soll ein Anheizen der Stimmung vermieden werden. Dadurch wird aber auch nie geklärt, was genau geschehen ist. Auch jetzt bleibt völlig unklar, wie viele Menschen in Onitsha und Maiduguri umkamen. Nigerias Bischofskonferenz sprach von über 50 ermordeten Christen in Nordnigeria. Als es zu den Racheakten in Südnigeria kam, wurde die Zahl 100 kolportiert. In Onitsha hält kaum einer das für realistisch.

Pater Aloysius Orakwe und auch Muslime gehen von einer Null mehr aus - also 1.000 Tote. "Ich konnte die Toten nicht zählen, als ich über die Hauptstraße hin zur Brücke flüchtete. Und das waren nur einige hundert Meter", sagt Iya Madina, eine muslimische Händlerin. Nur durch die Hilfe eines befreundeten Igbo-Geschäftsmanns kam sie in Sicherheit. Tausende Menschen flohen über die Brücke.

"An diesem Tag haben wir stundenlang keine Sicherheitskräfte gesehen. Die Angreifer konnten machen, was sie wollten, töten und plündern", sagt Isiyaku Baba Mallam, ein nordnigerianischer Ziegenhändler. Wer Gesichtsnarben aus Nordnigeria hat, wer den muslimischen Kaftan trägt und wer weder Englisch noch Igbo kann, war vor dem Mob nicht sicher.

Unzählige Geschäfte wurden geplündert und zerstört, die Zentralmoschee angegriffen, Dutzende Lastwagen abgeladen und in Brand gesteckt. Nun hoffen alle auf Entschädigungszahlungen des Staates. Und auf der anderen Flussseite, im benachbarten Bundesstaat Delta, entsteht ein neuer Markt. Denn viele Nordnigerianer wollen mit ihren Zwiebeln und Ziegen nicht nach Onitsha zurück.

Pater Orakwe berichtet, wie eine Frau ihren Sohn zu ihm brachte. "Sie sagte, er habe bei den Verfolgungen mitgemacht und sie wolle deshalb nicht mehr in demselben Haus leben. Es sei denn, er würde versprechen, sich zu ändern." Der 17-Jährige habe es versprochen. "Dann fragte ich ihn, ob er jemanden getötet hat. Er sagte: Nein. Aber er sei sehr nahe dabei gewesen. Darauf fragte ich ihn, was er fühlt, wenn jemand durch Macheten und Knüppel zu Tode kommt. Er sagte, es täte ihm Leid. Aber aufgrund dessen, was seinen Leuten im Norden widerfahren ist, hätte er kein Mitleid verspürt. In dem Moment wollte er sogar, dass noch mehr getötet werden. Dann betete ich für ihn." HAKEEM JIMO

taz vom 25.3.2006, S. 14, 139 Z. (TAZ-Bericht), HAKEEM JIMO

[ONEMILLIONMAN]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 20.951.561 von Feuerblume am 26.03.06 17:23:24

Hallo Feuerblume, unbekümmert surf ich hier herum und plötzlich seh ich dein Bild hier. Ist das Bild echt? MfG

[ONEMILLIONMAN]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 20.951.561 von Feuerblume am 26.03.06 17:23:24

Deinen Thread Dumm,Dick und gewalttätig finde ich sehr interessant.
Ich denke das der Fernsehkonsum allgemein gesehen ein Problem darstellt. Ich finde das Fernsehen gucken Chancen und Gefahren gleichzeitig bietet. Zum einen kann es süchtig machen mal ganz abgesehen davon das Fernsehen dei Gesellschaft manipuliert und nix mit Realismus zu tun hat. Man(n) könnte lang und breit darüber diskutieren am besten bei einem Gläschen Chardonaie lieblich...
Interessiert? Rechnung geht auf mich.

[Feuerblume]

Crude eases as Nigerian hostages freed - UPDATE 2
03/27/06 06:16 pm (GMT)




NEW YORK (AFX) -- Crude-oil futures traded lower at midday Monday on the New York Mercantile Exchange on the news that Nigerian rebels freed three foreign oil workers who had been held hostage for more than a month.
Crude for May delivery was trading down 36 cents at $63.90 a barrel.
Two American and one British oil workers were released to Nigerian government officials earlier by a group that has been responsible for a series of attacks on Western oil interests in the Niger River delta, the BBC reported.
The group, which calls itself the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, has attacked pipelines and kidnapped a number of Western workers. The group is seeking to keep more of Nigeria's oil money out of the hands of foreign companies.
While the group said it will cease taking hostages, it vowed to continue to attack oil installations.
"The Nigerian problem, it seems, is transforming itself from a pesky, on-again, off-again, bottleneck to one with more staying power," said Man Financial analyst Edward Meir in a note.
About 600,000 barrels of Nigerian production remain offline following recent attacks, Meir said, including last week's assault on a facility run by Agip, a unit of Italy's Eni SpA.
Eni was forced to declare force majeure on its Nigerian oil exports -- that means it can't honor its Nigerian Brass River commitments, which are estimated at around 200,000 barrels per day.
Against this background, and with a statement from the United Nations Security Council on Iran's nuclear program expected this week, oil can be expected to find support above $63 a barrel, several analysts said.
"Prices could rally in the event of such an announcement [on Iran], but then come off shortly thereafter once participants realize that despite the consensus, hard work still lies ahead," said Meir.
John Kilduff, an analyst at Fimat, said economic data from China could be a factor in trading. Though crude oil imports rose 7.9% in February from the year-ago period, January-February fuel oil imports dropped 17%.
"In a further effort to slow demand, the Chinese government raised retail diesel and gasoline prices 3%-5% over the weekend," Kilduff said in a note to clients. "Previous price increases have served to dampen demand, and was responsible, in our view, for the failure of the 2004 energy demand growth spurt to repeat itself in 2005."
China estimated GDP growth at 8.7% to 8.9%, which Kilduff noted was much less than the 15% to 20% growth that had been feared.
Elsewhere in the oil sector, gasoline futures were up 0.48 cent at $1.828 a gallon, heating oil was down 0.24 cent at $1.79 a gallon and natural gas was down 3.2%, or 23.7 cents, at $7.22 per million British thermal units.
"In the face of the overwhelming fundamental supply situation, the $7.00-plus level would appear untenable," Kilduff said. "On every conceivable measure, we will end the withdrawal season with a record amount of natural gas in storage. However, after the price action of the past year, it will be difficult to for prices to dip below $6."

This story was supplied by MarketWatch. For further information see www.marketwatch.com.

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Analysis: Nigeria instability worries U.S.
By Jason Motlagh
United Press International
Published March 27, 2006

WASHINGTON -- President Bush is slated to meet with Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo in Washington Wednesday to discuss regional and energy security in West Africa, amid attacks on oil supply lines that U.S. officials consider strategic to U.S. "national interest."

Militants claiming to fight on behalf of a disenfranchised Niger Delta ethic minority released three foreign oil worker hostages Monday, but vowed to continue their three-month sabotage campaign that has cut Nigeria's daily oil exports of 2.5 million barrels by a quarter and contributed to international oil prices jumping to over $60 per barrel.


Although Nigeria's pipelines have long been vulnerable, the stakes have been raised as the United States increasingly depends on West African oil.

A surging energy demand in Asia and volatile climates in the Mideast and Latin America first prompted the Bush administration to call Nigeria a "strategic national interest" in 2002 -- a label that freights the use of force to secure and defend such interests if necessary.

White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan reiterated Nigeria's role as a "strategic partner" in a Friday statement ahead of bilateral talks.

Nigeria stands as the fifth-largest supplier of oil to the United States, with 35.9 billion barrels of proven reserves. The shorter distances American tankers must travel to pick up crude that is both lighter and "sweeter" than the Mideast variety has moved U.S. energy officials to stake the Gulf of Guinea will provide a quarter of U.S. crude by 2010.

This would place the region in front of Saudi Arabia as a leading oil supplier. Other major producers in the region include Equatorial Guinea, Angola, Gabon and Congo-Brazzaville.

The African Oil Policy Initiative Group, a Washington, D.C.-based lobby group with members from the oil industry and various arms of government, has recommended that Congress declare the Gulf of Guinea a "vital interest" to the U.S. and form a regional military sub-command, citing the "need to reshape a new U.S. national security policy for sub-Saharan Africa based on a West African economic engine driven by large petroleum revenues."

"By providing the U.S. and other markets with a steady and secure flow of high-quality, reasonably priced African crude, dependence on hostile or unstable suppliers in other parts of the globe would diminish," the group concluded at a recent conference. But it remains to be seen whether a volatile patchwork of some 250 ethnic groups hastily pulled together more than a century ago by imperial Britain to feed London coffers can stay intact.

Nigeria is in the process of holding its first census in 15 years, no easy task with a population estimated at between 130 million and 150 million people. The nation is divided by the Muslim north, which has half the population and control of the military; and the Christian south, home to the Niger Delta's oil reserves. Since the distribution of oil wealth is done by proportion under its federal system, it is feared the oft-delayed count will stoke simmering religious and tribal rivalries.

At least five people were killed in census-related riots around the country last week, after violence sparked by religious protests claimed more than 130 lives last month. Low-level conflict has led to over 10,000 deaths and displaced 3.4 million since 2000.

"The rigging culture remains a national dilemma," said an editorial in the Guardian newspaper, Nigeria's leading daily. "(This) leaves the census exercise open to abuse."

Such is the claim of the militant group representing the Ijaw, the largest tribe in the Delta, who are behind the recent wave of attacks against oil installations. The group insists they have been marginalized by rigged ballots and bogus census figures, and have pledged to continue attacks until revenues are distributed fairly.

The 22 million inhabitants of the five delta states receive just 13 percent of oil revenues, while fishing waters are reportedly polluted without consequence by oil giants such as Shell and Chevron.

According to a 2004 World Bank report, 80 percent of Nigeria's oil wealth is usurped by just 1 percent of the population, the majority of which lives on less than $1 a day. Annual per capita income has dropped from $1,000 to $390 in the last 25 years, a phenomenon that has earned the country third-to-last ranking on Transparency International's 2005 corruption index.

As a Christian former military officer, second-term President Olusegun Obasanjo has tried to bridge the ethno-religious rift. Sixty-two percent of Nigerians voted for him in 1999, giving him an unprecedented mandate to tackle age-old deficiencies, and he has earned the respect of the international community for his fairness and commitment to democratic values.

Obasanjo has also expanded press freedoms and spearheaded a campaign that led to the forgiveness of 60 percent of his nation's foreign debt. But pledges to purge the government of corruption have proved toothless -- with one commission charging the president himself of taking bribes.

Meanwhile, economic reforms have met stiff resistance and the northern Muslim population shows symptoms of radicalization; urban and rural infrastructure is in ruins and criminality runs rampant in the big cities and along pipelines.

Oil theft, also known "bunkering," still exceeds 200,000 barrels a day, often thanks to the complicity of police who have not been paid in months.

There are reports Obasanjo may buck the national constitution and seek a third term in presidential elections next year, a maneuver that could incite chaos at a time that has traditionally seen spasms of sectarian violence.

Alternately, stepped up rebel attacks against oil facilities could move the military to depose the president and seize power.

A recent report published by the National Intelligence Council, a U.S. government think tank, said Nigeria's collapse is the most serious risk Africa faces today.

"While currently Nigeria's leaders are locked in a bad marriage that all dislike but dare not leave, there are possibilities that could disrupt the precarious equilibrium in Abuja (the capital)," the report said. "If Nigeria were to become a failed state, it could drag down a large part of the West African region."

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Big oil and the troubled waters of the Niger Delta

From Fred Bridgland in Johannesburg

A LITTLE over 10 years ago, the Ogoni writer and environmentalist Ken Saro-Wiwa made world headlines when he was executed by Nigeria’s military dictatorship in the middle of a Commonwealth summit in New Zealand – despite all the leaders’ appeals for mercy.
At the time, Ron van den Berg, the Shell Oil Company’s managing director in Nigeria, commented to London-based specialist intelligence publication Africa Confidential, that the executions of Saro-Wiwa and eight of his fellow ethnic Ogonis – activists against the despoliation of the Niger River Delta by international oil corporations – would enhance Nigeria’s stability and avert civil war.

Contrary to Shell’s hopes, Saro-Wiwa and his martyrdom placed the worsening political and environmental crisis of the oil-rich Delta at the centre of national politics. It has stayed there, and now the calamity is greater than when Saro-Wiwa went to the gallows. The Delta is more violent, more anti-central government militias and criminal gangs led by warlords operate there, and they are much more heavily armed and more ruthless.

At government and military levels, corruption and fraud in the acquisition and selling of oil and gas has exacerbated the crisis. The poverty-stricken people of the Delta, championed by Saro-Wiwa, continue to suffer impoverishment, unemployment and the pollution by oil firms of their once pristine homeland.

Discontent is so heavy in the Delta that a major escalation of the current low-level civil conflict, which takes some 1500 lives a year, could have unpredictable consequences for an inherently unstable country, the most populous in Africa, with some 140 million people divided into more than 250 ethnic and language groups.

The consequences of such an escalation, which some American writers are predicting will become the “new Iraq” – an over-exaggeration at the moment – would indeed be serious for Western economies and for the world as a whole.

With Nigeria and its Delta oil reserves at the hub, countries in the armpit of West Africa – where the north-stretching coastline turns westwards around the Gulf of Guinea – are expected to supply 20 to 25% of the United States’ oil imports by 2010, putting the region ahead of Saudi Arabia as a source of American oil supplies.

It makes the Niger Delta and its people’s struggles against the Nigerian government and Big Oil one of the most strategically important places on earth, and the big powers are wracking their brains to try to ensure that nothing disrupts the flow of West African oil.

A recent report on the future of sub-Saharan Africa, published by the US government think tank the National Intelligence Council, identified the collapse of Nigeria as the most important risk facing Africa today.

“While currently Nigeria’s leaders are locked in a bad marriage that all dislike but dare not leave, there are possibilities that could disrupt the precarious equilibrium in Abuja [Nigeria’s capital],” the report said.

“If Nigeria were to become a failed state, it could drag down a large part of the West African region.”

Amid the deadly ethnic and religious tensions and chronic corruption which pervades all life in Nigeria, the West’s immediate fear is of political meltdown at next year’s presidential and parliamentary elections, which are always studded with violence and communal and regional hatreds.

Last year, at a US-organised security conference in Abuja, General Carlton Fulford, former deputy commander of the US European Command, which includes Africa, called for a coordinated central international security agency for the Gulf of Guinea, with Nigeria playing a significant role.

He did not spell out what military supplies Washington had already sent to Nigeria’s president Olusegun Obasanjo, but he suggested that the coordinating agency should be given radar devices and unmanned airplanes for surveillance of the Delta and offshore oil and gas fields.

In an attempt to quell the rebel groups in the twisting creeks and tangled swamps of the Delta – at 15,000 square miles one of the largest wetlands in the world – the Nigerian army and navy are buying former US coastguard patrol boats. But security experts reckon some 200 such boats will be needed to control the rebels and the “bunkering”.

Bunkering is the widespread rebel practice of tapping into pipelines and siphoning oil into barges, modified to become makeshift tankers, lurking in the mangrove swamps. The tankers ferry the oil to rusting sea-going tankers, registered in Ukraine and Albania, chartered by Lebanese middlemen and anchored offshore. Some 15% of Nigeria’s oil production disappears this way. The whole exercise requires complicity by senior military and government officials who turn a blind eye to the slow passage of the barges from the Delta into the open sea.

By some estimates, this illegal trade is worth more than Colombia’s entire drugs trade. Last month armed groups kidnapped nine foreign oil workers, set pipelines on fire and disrupted a major export terminal. Nigerian oil output is down 20% so far this year as a consequence of rebel attacks.

West African oil is being treated by the US as a major strategic asset. The reserves under the Gulf of Guinea may yet prove to be bigger than anything yet discovered elsewhere. Nigeria alone plans to more than double its oil production from 2.5m barrels a day to more than five million barrels by 2010, and foreign oil companies have investments planned totalling $33 billion.

What makes the whole proposition even more attractive is the fact that Nigeria is nearer America than the Middle East, and the oil is of higher quality – lighter and “sweeter” than that produced in the Middle East.

A major conference by the African Oil Policy Initiative Group, including top US government representatives and business and think tank executives, recommended that Congress declare the Gulf of Guinea an area of “vital interest” to the US and establish a regional sub-command – similar to US Forces Korea – in the region, with headquarters possibly on the islands of Sao Tome and Principe.

“There is a need to reshape a new US national security policy for sub-Saharan Africa based on a West African regional economic engine driven by large petroleum revenues from producing states such as Nigeria, Angola, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon and Congo Brazzaville,” the group concluded.

“Nigeria, especially, as Washington’s largest African trading partner and despite its difficulties with governance and transparency, could emerge as the pivotal actor, regional economic engine and stabiliser. By providing the US and other markets with a steady and secure flow of high-quality, reasonably priced African crude, dependence on hostile or unstable suppliers in other parts of the globe would diminish.”

But to secure this outcome while avoiding some future nightmarish Western military intervention to protect oil supplies, the social crisis of the Niger Delta will have to be solved by non-military means.

At present the five Delta states, the source of all of Nigeria’s oil, receive only 13% of the oil revenues. The rest goes to the central government. The Delta’s 22m people live in dire poverty among widespread pollution, which some allege has been created by companies such as Shell and Chevron. This pollution is said to have had a negative impact on the traditional fishing grounds. The revolt against Abuja grows by the day.

“Nigeria is like a country sitting on a keg of gunpowder,” said Nalaguo Chris Alagoa, who runs the Nigeria branch of the Paris-based conservation movement Pro-Natura International. “The Delta’s resources are what supports the whole country. The fuse is getting shorter and the day it explodes Nigeria will go to pieces.”

During the last quarter century, Nigeria’s leaders have looted hundreds of millions of dollars in oil revenues to foreign bank accounts while per capita income has dropped from around $1000 to less than $400.

Shell and Chevron say that nowadays they run major development projects to help the Delta communities. Shell’s spokespeople say the company spends $60m a year on community development, one of the largest corporate aid projects in the world.

But Africa Confidential recently visited Oloibiri, the small town that hosted Nigeria’s first oil well some five decades ago, and noted: “Oloibiri is a potent symbol of the oil industry’s failures. There is no power or running water in Oloibiri and few visible signs of progress. A clinic and hospital, built by Shell, stands empty for lack of staff and equipment.”

26 March 2006
©2006 2006 newsquest (sunday herald) limited. all rights reserved

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Niger Delta crises: Oil firms seek spiritual assistance


March 28, 2006, 47 minutes and 15 seconds ago.

By AND West Africa

Multinational oil firms have initiated plans to secure spiritual assistance to bring an end to the protracted crises in the Niger Delta.

This will help to check further loss of revenue from shut down of crude oil production platforms due to incessant attacks on pipelines with dynamite by militants led by a group known as Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (Mend).

The group has yet to release three out of the nine foreign oil workers that it kidnapped on February 18, while its activities have led to a fall in crude oil production by 631,000 barrels per day, representing 26 per cent of the nation’s production level of 2.4 million barrels per day (mbpd).

Industry analysts said a resolution of the Niger Delta crises would restore the confidence of foreign companies-especially the small firms in search of financiers in foreign countries to develop their acreages-in the Nigerian oil industry.

An industry source said senior management staff of multinational oil firms have directed the workers to form prayer groups in line with their religious practices to pray for an enduring peace in the Niger Delta. The directive, he said is to ensure that militants stop kidnapping workers and disrupting production activities.

"The workers have equally been warned of the grave danger that persistent crises may pose to payment of salaries and fear of possible retrenchment", he said.

The source said that Pray for Nigeria’s Niger Delta (PNND), one of the groups championing the lead to find spiritual solution to the crises, has gone ahead to create a website address. He said the group’s mission is to liberate the Niger Delta in particular, and the oil industry in general, through the gospel and prayers for peace and development.

Mr. Ferdinand Bariwei, national coordinator, PNND said the group started spiritual mobilization to end the crises as an individual project to ensure that peace returns to the region. He said that members of the prayer group, who are mainly oil workers in Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), Nigerian Agip Oil Company, Chevron Nigeria Limited and Elf Petroleum Nigeria Limited are responsible for funding of the group’s drive to find solution to the crises.

"We want to achieve reasonable progress as part of our own contribution to the return of peace before we involve our respective corporate organisations", he said.

Bariwei, who is also a drilling manager of Ocean Energy Nigeria said the group posts articles, praises and prayers of spiritual warfare and action plans on its website for public consumption.

"We are committed to investment of our resources to achieve peace and development in the Niger Delta; to support the spread of gospel to all the corners of the region for peace and security of the oil industry", he said.

Samuel Ibiyemi, Financial Standard (Lagos)

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Warlord's escape spoils Bush meeting
GEORGE GEDDA
Associated Press
WASHINGTON - With ethnic strife up and oil production down, it has been a bad few weeks for Nigerian President Olesegun Obasanjo. At least he could count on a warm reception Wednesday from President Bush at the White House.

The disappearance of former Liberian President Charles Taylor from his haven in Nigeria earlier this week riled U.S. officials who long have demanded that Taylor be brought to justice before an international court.

Obasanjo was penciled in for a late morning White House session with Bush, but Taylor's apparent escape Monday night prompted a series of discussions Tuesday as officials weighed the possibility of canceling the Bush-Obasanjo session.

However, those concerns were overtaken when national police spokesman Haz Iwendi told The Associated Press in Nigeria early Wednesday that Taylor has been arrested trying to cross Nigeria's southern border with Cameroon.

Obasanjo long has been admired in Washington as a champion of peace in Sudan, for which he is hosting extended negotiations, and as a democrat with little patience for autocrats elsewhere in Africa.

In 2003, he cut a deal that allowed Taylor to settle in Nigeria, a move that helped end 14 years of horrific civil war in the West African nation.

Days ago, Obasanjo agreed to a request by Liberia's new president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, to surrender Taylor for trial at the international criminal tribunal in Sierra Leone, where he faces charges of fomenting war in that country, a neighbor of Liberia.

The administration has pushed hard for Taylor to be brought to justice, making it a principal plank of its Africa policy.

So the mood was grim on Tuesday when word came of Taylor's disappearance in Nigeria.

On Capitol Hill, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice told senators it would be a matter of "utmost seriousness" if reports of Taylor's escape were true.

Asked Tuesday whether the White House meeting with Obasanjo was still on, White House press secretary Scott McClellan would not answer directly.

"Right now, we're looking for answers from the Nigerian government about the whereabouts of Charles Taylor," McClellan said.

Obasanjo took office eight years ago as elected president, ushering in hopes for a stable democratic era after years of repressive military rule.

For the time being, those hopes have been dashed. There has been a spike in Christian-Muslim violence in recent weeks. Attacks on Nigerian pipelines and oil facilities have reduced the country's production by 455,000 barrels a day. Nigeria normally exports 2.5 million barrels daily, almost half of that to the United States.

The instability could worsen if Obasanjo decides to seek an amendment to the constitution and seek a third term as president next year, according to National Intelligence Director John Negroponte.

The result of any such effort, could be "major turmoil and conflict," Negroponte told a Senate hearing last month.

Chaos in Nigeria, he added, could create instability elsewhere in the region.

Obasanjo's supporters are urging him to sponsor an amendment and run. He so far has resisted U.S. demands to announce that he will not.

ON THE NET

CIA World Factbook on Liberia:

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Nigeria: FG Plans New Development Strategies for Niger Delta


March 30, 2006, 1 hour, 23 minutes and 39 seconds ago.

By Andnetwork .com

Still counting the losses recorded from the crisis in the Niger Delta, which has already hit $1.4 billion (N180 billion), the Federal Government is set to unveil radical programmes for the development of the region, in a bid to end the specter of violent attacks on oil production facilities.

Disclosing this yesterday, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr. Edmund Daukoru, said the development programme, details of which were still under wraps, would ensure a comprehensive development of the Niger Delta.

The programmes, he added, would put in place an enduring structure that would end youth unrests in the oil producing region.

"Government has already moved to establish a committee that will execute this new developmental strategy for the Niger Delta. What we are looking at is more than the $1.5 billion compensation the youths are demanding," Daukoru told newsmen yesterday.

"For instance, the issue of employment generation will be taking serioiusly because this is one of the things the youths are asking for, and also the issue of infrastructural facilities will be addressed," he said.

The minister said what he expected from the youth was an articulate programme that they could discuss with government at all levels, as part of their inputs into the new plan for the region.

The militant youths under the group, Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) had laid siege to the creeks of the Niger Delta, launching attacks on oil production facilities and taking oil workers hostage.

MEND released on Monday, the remaining three of the nine foreign oil workers they took hostage on February 18, 2006.

Attacks on oil facilities have however, cut down Nigeria's oil production by about 631,000 barrels per day (bpd).

The militants have also vowed not to allow resumption of oil production until the government meets a set of demands, including the release of their leader, Alhaji Asari Dokubo, and former Governor of Bayelsa State, Chief Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, as well as the payment of $1.5 billion compensation by Shell to Ijaw communities for environmental pollution.

Daukoru said that an estimated 24 million barrels of crude oil had been lost since the siege began, resulting to a revenue loss of about $1.4 billion to the Federal Government and its joint venture partners.

"That amounts to about nine percent of the $1.8 trillion budgeted for 2006," he added.

He said that following the release of the last set of the hostages, the Federal Government expected the Shell EA shallow water field to resume production of about 120,000 bpd, within the next one week when the loading facility would have been reconnected to the production platform. .

The remaining volume of the oil production, or about 500,000 bpd, he added, could be back in the next one month, after an assessment and evaluation of the damages done to the production facilities would have been ascertained.

The minister said that helicopter over-fly would be carried out to ascertain the extent of the damage, adding that the militant youths would have to be carried along not to misconstrue helicopter assessment for government planned attack on them.

He said that assurances would be given to the militants to calm nerves, build confidence and allow for resumption of full production in the affected areas.

He said that the Federal Government was determined to find lasting solutions to the problems in the Niger Delta and that the lists of demands by the youths were already being broken down to building blocks for the development agenda for the area.

Source: Thisday

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Thursday 30th, March, 2006 HOME | Previous Page
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The Law To Enforce Local Content In The Oil & Gas Sector



Recently, the Federal Government began a fresh move to put in place the “local content” law which is expected to compel the multi-national oil companies operating in Nigeria to increase the level of activities done in-country. Certainly, a legal framework for a clear and consistent plan to integrate the oil and gas sector in Nigeria is long overdue. However, other compelling issues need immediate attention if the legal instrument is to accomplish its purpose. Sadly, compared to other countries with similar histories of petroleum development, Nigeria lags behind on almost all metrics, from Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita to local participation in the industry.

As matter of fact, the oil and gas sector remained an enclave with little or no bearing on the local economy despite almost fifty years of oil exploration in the country. As the world’s fourth largest oil exporter, Nigeria’s proven oil reserves range from 25 billion to 35.2 billion barrels, with current production at close to 2.3 million barrels per day. In spite of these and decades of significant petroleum development, Nigeria still relies on multinational oil companies and foreign contractors for 95 per cent of the activities in the sector.

Presently, only about 5 per cent of industry activities are done in Nigeria, while the Federal Government invests over $5.0billion annually into the oil sector. Government spends this amount as its equity contribution to joint venture projects with multinational companies, which averages about 57 per cent. Therefore, close to 95 per cent of this yearly expenditure escapes the domestic economy as capital flight through technical services rendered by foreign companies and goods procured outside the country at the expense of indigenous and Nigerian owned companies.

The Nigerian situation is sadly unparalleled in the world as even countries that are not as populous as Nigeria, have high local content level in their oil and gas industry. For example, Malaysia’s oil industry has a local content of between 50 and 80 per cent while Venezuela has over 80 per cent. Ironically, Nigeria has the population and manpower required for effective local participation in the oil and gas industry.

As matter of fact, the poor integration of the oil and gas business into the local economy is largely responsible for the restiveness of the oil producing communities, where the youth frequently vent their frustrations on the industry with dire economic and diplomatic consequence. Clearly, the issue is no longer local and has become a challenge of international dimension.

Experts, local and foreign alike, had over the years sought to know the reason for this sad situation in the oil and gas sector and they unanimously concluded that Nigeria’s main obstacles to development of local content are its thin industrial base, the lack of adequate power, water and other infrastructure to support an expanded manufacturing base, cumbersome bureaucratic obstacles to development of small and medium sized enterprises, and underdeveloped capital markets.

Other factors identified include the inadequate number of competent contractors available in the country to handle the growth of the business; escalation of contract costs because of the excess of demand over supply of competent contractors; and excessive cost of security because of general insecurity in society fuelled by the high level of unemployment, especially among youths in the Niger Delta.

Clearly, a piece of legislation no matter how well intended cannot address all the factors responsible for the low local content of the oil industry, therefore, a genuine holistic solution must be pursued, which definitely will include a legal framework. Daily Independent wish to appeal to the Federal Government at this point to jettison the “blame game” and work genuinely to provide a conducive environment for the local participation in the oil and gas industry.

Nigeria has failed to seize valuable opportunities in the past to address the sad irony of poverty in the oil-rich Niger Delta. The present security situation present yet another unique opportunity to redress the situation by increasing the in-country economic activities of the oil and gas business. More than ever before, the PDP controlled Federal Government owes the nation a duty of ensuring the acceleration of the indigenisation of the operations of the industry in Nigeria up to the highest level in order to ensure that the industry contributes fully to the development of the Niger Delta and consequently the nation’s economic well being.

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Nigerian President Refuses to Rule Out Third Term
By VOA News
30 March 2006


Olusegun Obasanjo
Nigeria's President Olusegun Obasanjo has refused to rule out a third term, a move that would require a change to Nigeria's constitution.

In an interview with VOA late Wednesday, Mr. Obasanjo said a third term is "not on the cards" right now. But he added that if he needed to consider the issue, the decision would be entirely up to him and his consultants.

Nigeria's parliament recently began debate on a proposed constitutional amendment that would allow presidents three terms in office, up from the current two. Opposition groups have voiced strong objections to the measure.

Mr. Obasanjo's second term ends next year.

In the interview, the Nigerian president also rejected international criticism over the brief disappearance of former Liberian president Charles Taylor from his exile home in Nigeria. He told VOA that Nigeria has been "vindicated" by arresting Taylor, and is due an apology from the critics.

The Nigerian president also said he has no fear that oil companies will leave Nigeria despite recent violence in the oil-producing Niger Delta region.

Mr. Obasanjo met with President Bush at the White House Wednesday. He said they did not discuss the Nigerian constitution, which he said President Bush regards as an internal Nigerian affair.

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Aber es gibt noch Licht in der Dunkelheit:

Die Definition von crazy

In der nigerianischen Metropole Lagos boomt die HipHop-Szene. Doch jenseits von MTV Africa hat
die Welt davon noch fast nichts mitbekommen. Im HAU treten die wichtigsten Rapper auf die Bühne

VON ANNETT BUSCH

"Lagos - Centre of Excellence" liest man auf den Nummernschildern der Autos, wenn man im notorischen Verkehrschaos der nigerianischen 20 Millionen-Metropole steckt. Hier findet alles im Superlativ statt. "Lagos ist der einzige Ort, wo auch ein Blinder einen Führerschein bekommt. Es ist alles nur eine Frage des Geldes", bringt der Journalist Ayo Animashaun die absurd anmutende, von Korruption gezeichnete Lage der Stadt auf den Punkt - und kann sich gleichzeitig darüber freuen, dass hier deswegen fast alles möglich scheint.

Ayo ist Gründer und Herausgeber des Magazins HipHop World. Auch auf ihn trifft das Adjektiv zu, das in der Stadt dieser Tage en passant am häufigsten fällt: crazy. Alles ist hier crazy, die Leute, die Stadt, der Verkehr, das Geld, die Massen an Spam-Mails, die sich tagtäglich an Vorauskassenbetrug versuchen. Das Ausmaß an Crazyness hat mit der Gleichzeitigkeit, Dringlichkeit, Geschwindigkeit und Widersprüchlichkeit zu tun, mit der die Lagocians täglich zu tun haben. Es ist wohl kein Zufall, dass die Bestverdienendsten in der nigerianischen Unterhaltungsindustrie die Comedians sind. Humor zählt hier zu den wichtigsten Waffen.

Die meisten Europäer assoziieren mit der Musikszene Nigerias noch immer Fela Kuti und Afrobeat. Doch in den letzten Jahren hat sich vor allem in der Hauptstadt Abudja und in Lagos eine weitläufige, heterogene und selbstbewusste HipHop-Szene entwickelt. Die breite Identifikation mit der HipHop-Kultur läuft hier nicht so sehr über Mode, Style und Graffiti, sondern vielmehr über Haltung und Aneignung. "Wir sind nicht in Amerika, aber es gibt hier auf den Straßen Jungs, die mehr über HipHop wissen als die Typen in New York", bringt Journalist Ayo die Sache auf den Punkt.

Und dann ist da Mode IX alias Oluwasegun Babatunde, der Mann im strahlend blauen XXL-Basketball-Shirt, der sich weigert, in einer der afrikanischen Sprachen wie Yoruba oder Hausa zu rappen. Auch Pidgin ist nicht seins - er reimt seine Geschichten in "straight English". Er war acht, als seine Eltern von London nach Lagos umzogen. Pidgin war für ihn eine Fremdsprache wie für die anderen sein Englisch. Inzwischen ist es für ihn eine Frage der Haltung und Selbstachtung geworden, weiter in English zu rappen. In seinen Texten bedient er sich bei Malcolm X und dem Schriftsteller William Wordsworth. Er bleibt aber in Nigeria ein Außenseiter - dafür laufen zwei seiner Videos inzwischen auf MTV in Europa und den USA.

Ruggedman dagegen begann seine Karriere damit, Protagonisten der nigerianischen HipHop-Szene zu dissen, ohne Rücksicht auf Verluste. Inzwischen blickt er stolz auf die Erfolge, die seine Erziehungsmaßnahmen gezeitigt haben: "Viele sind besser geworden und strengen sich an, über Dinge zu rappen, die auch wirklich relevant sind."

Dinge, die wichtig sind - die sind auch die erklärte Spezialität von Eedris Adulkareem, dem großmäuligen Enfant terrible der Szene in Lagos. Ende der Neunziger schrieb Eedris für seine alte Band The Remedies den Hit "Shakomo" - der Beginn der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung von HipHop in Nigeria. Seit dem Zerwürfnis mit seiner Band macht er solo weiter, als Poser und großer Pädagoge. Aufgewachsen im muslimisch-fundamentalistischen Norden des Landes, verkörpert Eedris das Aufstiegsmärchen aus dem Ghetto. Er hat eine legendäre Prügelei mit dem US-amerikanischen HipHopper 50 Cent hinter sich und wird trotzdem nicht müde, seine Mission zu predigen: HipHop ist eine Art Abendschule.

Er spricht gern von "my people", er liebt sie, seine Leute, und will nicht, dass sie leiden. In einem Land, das 150 Millionen Menschen zählt und eine Alphabetisierungsrate von 6 Prozent vorzuweisen hat, wo Korruption zum guten Ton und Stromausfall zur Tagesordnung gehört, während Unmengen an Öl-Dollar in privaten Luxus investiert werden, begreift er Bildung als das vordringlichste Problem. Und: Wenn die Leute keine Bücher lesen können, braucht es eben andere Wege der Aufklärung. Es mag ein wenig simpel klingen - aber Eedris ist es wirklich ernst.

Zuletzt hat er neben seinem Plattenlabel La Kreem eine Aidsstiftung gegründet, und auf seinem letzten Album "Letter to Mr. President" sagte er Staatsoberhaupt Olusegun Obasanjo den Kampf an. In einem seiner Songs hält er mit falsch gewickeltem Turban und breitem Grinsen den humorlosen Glaubensbrüdern im Norden des Landes einen Zerrspiegel vor die Augen.

Terry tha Rapman, der wegen eines Studiums wie Mode IX zu den Intellektuellen der HipHop-Szene gezählt wird, geht das Problem des ganz normalen Wahnsinns in Lagos noch völlig anders an: "Hi, I am a … ehn? I am a … what? I am a Nigerian. Hi, I am a … who? I am a … what? I am a Nigerian." Eins zu eins übernimmt er Tonfall und Struktur von Eminems "Hi, my name is …" und macht aus dessen individueller Neurose eine nationale Psychose. Den alltäglichen Hussle um Geld, Liebe und Fake verdichtet Terry gleichzeitig zu Humor und Sozialkritik.

Es wird noch eine Weile dauern, bis hierzulande Hits wie "I am a Nigerian" von Terry the Rapman neben denen von Eminem verhandelt werden. Foren und Internetseiten wie www.naijajams.com dürften für eine ausgeweitete Rezeption von nigerianischem HipHop mehr Bedeutung haben als MTV, obwohl vor einem Jahr MTV Base Africa gegründet wurde - angetreten, um afrikanische Popmusik international bekannter zu machen. Doch der Journalist Ayo Animashaun bleibt skeptisch: "Nimm 2Face, auch aus Lagos. Er hat den MTV-Europe-Award als bester afrikanischer Künstler bekommen. Aber lief sein Video deswegen im europäischen Musikfernsehen? Nein!" Hier überschlägt sich Ayos Stimme fast, so in Rage gerät er: "Das Problem ist, dass die Leute das hier nicht wissen und ständig diesem großen Missverständnis aufsitzen. Die sehen - oooh! - 2Face auf MTV Africa und denken: Cool, das läuft jetzt in der ganzen Welt. Aber das stimmt nicht, das ist dumm. Und unglaublich ermüdend."

Urban Africa Club: Lagos. Mit Eedris Abdulkareem, Mode IX, Ruggedman, African China, Adé Bantu, Rule Clean, One Kilo u. a., morgen, 29. 3., 22 Uhr, HAU 2
Bei out:here records in München ist dieser Tage der Sampler: "Lagos stori plenti: Urban sounds from Nigeria" erschienen

taz Berlin lokal vom 28.3.2006, S. 25, 215 Z. (Kommentar), ANNETT BUSCH

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria: Govt Reviews Oil Blocs Allocations, Targets 2.1 Billion Barrels Reserves

Vanguard (Lagos)
April 4, 2006
Posted to the web April 4, 2006
Hector Igbikiowubo & Luka Binniyat

THE Federal Government has commenced the review of all oil blocs in the Niger Delta while targeting an increase of 2.1 billion barrels in the nation's oil reserves.

In line with this position, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and all the major oil and gas exploration and production companies have started negotiating a Memorandum of Understanding.

It is expected that the MoU would provide the necessary fiscal and monetary incentives to enable government achieve its set objectives.

Dr Edmund Daukoru, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources made the disclosure yesterday in a paper presented to open the 2006 Nigeria oil and gas international conference and exhibition in Abuja.

Dr. Daukoru explained that all allocated acreage in the delta are being reviewed by the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) to meet the objective, adding that substantial contributions have been made by the NNPC and its joint venture partners towards completion of the exercise before the end of the second quarter.

"I am aware that given the current trend in oil prices, industry expects the MoU to be an instrument for upside sharing, while retaining its traditional objective to afford industry downside protection in low oil price scenario", he said.

The Minister disclosed that but for production shut-in occasioned by the crises in the Niger Delta, a number of project completions in the area would have seen the nation's crude oil output plateau at 3.0 million barrels per day.

These project include, Frocados Yorkri run by the Shell Petroleum development Company (SPDC), Izombe of Addax Petroleum, East Area projects and Ubit of Mobil Producing which have jointly contributed over 500,000 barrels per day production level in addition to new production in EA and Gbaran/Ubie both of Shell.

Daukoru said Nigeria's quest to raise oil reserves and production capacity was hit by the spate of crises in the Niger Delta which cut short government's target of achieving a production capacity of 3.0 million barrels per day.

In spite of the huge government share of investment, the traditional NNPC joint venture production more or less plateaued at 2.45-mil b/d against a target build up to about 3.0 million b/d.

The Minister said 550,000 bpd of Nigeria's output remained shut-in after militants carried out a spate of attacks on Shell's Forcados export terminal and sabotaged two pipelines last month.

"Before we were at 625,000 b/d but Agip came back with 75,000 b/d so we are down at 550,000 bpd," Daukoru said.

He said President Olusegun Obasanjo will meet opinion leaders from the delta on Wednesday to find a way out of the latest crisis plaguing the area.

"I would hope that after the Wednesday meeting that perception about security of personnel will change", he said.

In his presentation, Dr Funsho Kupolokun, the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) disclosed that Nigeria would contribute about 50 percent of the 7 percent growth in oil production capacity forecast for Africa, compared to the average global growth of 3 percent.

[tradejunkie]

@red shoes

Hallo Horst,

wie war das noch mal mit der BaFin auf der Invest?

Hab mal nachgehakt.

Nach den Infos die ich bekommen habe hat weder ein Herr Szentiks noch sonst irgend jemand, der sich mit Technischer Analyse beschäftigt, auf der Invest mit Leuten von der BaFin über WO oder ENG oder sonst was gesprochen!

Vielleicht kannst du dich noch an den Namen deines/deiner Gesprächspartner erinnern, dann könnte man nochmal gezielt nachfragen und auf deine Website verweisen (wegen der Bilder) ob dich nicht doch jemand erkannt hat. Und sei es nur im vorübergehen.

[beacker38]

2. Die Erdölindustrie Nigerias
2.1. Allgemeiner Überblick
Nigeria gehört zu den wichtigsten Erdölproduzenten der Erde und hat demnach einen großen
Einfluß auf den Weltmarkt für fossile Energieträger. Als zehntgrößter Rohölproduzent (1997)
verfügt das westafrikanische Land über gesicherte Reserven von 22,5 Milliarden Barrel
(1 Barrel = 158,758 Liter) und geschätzte Ölvorkommen von über 40 Milliarden Barrel.
Nigeria ist Mitglied der OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries , Vereinigung
erdölexportierender Länder), die die Förderung des Erdöls koordiniert und die Preisgestaltung
über eine Quotenregelung maßgeblich mitbestimmt.

2.1.1. Erdölexploration und -produktion (Upstream)
Die Erdölfördergebiete in Nigeria liegen hauptsächlich im flachen und leicht zugänglichen
Deltagebiet des Niger, in der Nähe der Küste. Es existieren etwa 250 kleine Ölfelder, die
jeweils weniger als 50 Millionen Barrel gespeichert haben. Daneben gibt es mehr als 200
andere Gebiete mit weiteren noch unerschlossenen Vorkommen. Das nigerianische Rohöl
besitzt Dichten von 21° API bis 45° API, wobei schätzungsweise 65 % leicht (> 35° API ) und
süß (mit geringem Schwefelgehalt) sind. Dadurch läßt sich das Erdöl sehr einfach in seine
Bestandteile zerlegen und bietet gute Voraussetzungen für die Weiterverarbeitung zu
Treibstoffen.


Übersicht über die Rohölförderung im Nigerdelta 1993


Die Rohölförderung auf dem Festland wird häufig in Form von Joint-Ventures betrieben.
Dabei ist die staatliche Ölgesellschaft NNPC (Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation) an
Projekten mit anderen nationalen und internationalen Konzernen (Shell, British Petroleum,
Agip, Mobil, Chevron, Exxon, Elf Aquitaine, Texaco, Total, Statoil, ...) beteiligt, sowohl an
den Kosten als auch am Gewinn. Die Hauptfördergebiete im Onshore-Bereich des Nigerdeltas
liegen bei Cawthorn Channel, Edop, Ekulama, Escravos Beach, Forcados Yorki, Jones Creek,
Meren, Nembe, Okan, Oso und Ubit.
Zur Erweiterung der Fördergebiete wurden seit 1996 auch Probebohrungen in den tieferen
Gewässern des Golfs von Guinea durchgeführt. Die Offshore-Förderung wird aufgrund der
höheren Kosten meist nicht in Joint-Ventures, sondern mit sogenannten Production Sharing
Contracts (PSCs) durchgeführt. Hierbei trägt die Ölgesellschaft alle Kosten für die
Exploration. Erst bei Förderungsbeginn werden Abgaben an den nigerianischen Staat fällig.
Trotz der scheinbar ungünstigen Konditionen für den produzierenden Konzern ist die
Attraktivität der PSCs groß genug, um die Erschließung neuer Ressourcen voranzutreiben,
wie die Entdeckung des Agabamifeldes durch die nigerianische Famfa Oil Company im Januar
1999, ca. 113 Kilometer von der Küste entfernt, deutlich macht.
Insgesamt lag die Erdölproduktion in Nigeria im Jahr 1998 bei 2,153 Millionen Barrel pro Tag
(bbl/d), leicht unter der maximalen Kapazität von derzeit ca. 2,4 Millionen bbl/d, aber über der
durch die OPEC festgesetzten Förderquote von 2,03 Millionen bbl/d.

2.1.2. Erdölverarbeitung (Downstream) und Export
Nigeria verfügt lediglich über vier Raffinerien, die bis auf eine einzige im zentral gelegenen
Kaduna ausschließlich an der Küste situiert sind, mit einer Gesamtverarbeitungskapazität von

438.750 bbl/d (Januar 1999). Da die tägliche Fördermenge mit über 2 Millionen bbl/d höher
liegt als deren maximal möglicher Output, wird der größte Teil des geförderten Rohöls nicht
verarbeitet, sondern gleich exportiert. Über unzählige Pipelines angeliefert, verschifft man den
fossilen Energieträger über die Terminals von Bonny Island, Brass River, Escravos, Forcados,
Odudu, Pennington und Qua Iboe vor allem in die USA und nach Westeuropa. Der Rest wird
zu Treibstoffen, Gummi- und Kunststoffprodukten verarbeitet.
Die recht beträchtlichen Verarbeitungsengpässe, oftmals verbunden mit den politischen und
wirtschaftlichen Problemen des Landes, führen paradoxerweise im rohstoffreichen Nigeria zu
einem Treibstoffmangel, der sich negativ auf die gesamte Wirtschaft auswirkt (siehe auch 2.3.
und 2.4.)
2.2. Die Entwicklung der nigerianischen Erdölindustrie von 1956-1999
Die ersten Erdölvorkommen in Nigeria wurden 1956 in Oloibiri, etwa 90 Kilometer von Port
Harcourt, im jetzigen Bayelsa-Distrikt, entdeckt. Diesem Fund ging bereits ein halbes
Jahrhundert intensiver Suche voraus. Im Jahr 1958 begann die regelmäßige Förderung mit
einer nach heutigen Maßstäben geringen Menge von 5.100 bbl/d durch ein Konsortium von
Shell und British Petroleum (BP), damals die einzigen Firmen mit einer Konzession. Ab 1960,
mit Erlangen der Unabhängigkeit von Großbritannien und nachdem auch andere namhafte
ausländische Ölkonzerne Fördergenehmigungen erhalten hatten, begann der nigerianische
Staat angesichts der rasch wachsenden Fördermengen und der damit zunehmenden
wirtschaftlichen und finanziellen Bedeutung des Petroleumsektors, seinen Einfluß auf diesem
Gebiet auszudehnen. Durch die Fertigstellung des Ölterminals auf Bonny Island und den


dazugehörigen Pipelines wurde der Prozess zusätzlich begünstigt. Zum gleichen Zeitpunkt
erlangte Nigeria auch für den Weltmarkt eine Bedeutung.
Während des Bürgerkrieges von 1967 bis 1970 sank die Erdölproduktion aufgrund der
Zerstörungen zunächst deutlich ab, konnte sich aber anschließend erholen und stieg von

850.000 bbl/d im letzten Kriegsjahr auf 2,09 Millionen bbl/d im Jahr 1980.
Mit dem Beitritt zur OPEC 1971 kam es bei der Umsetzung der OPEC-Richtlinien zur
Gründung der staatlichen Nigerian National Oil Corporation (NNOC), die 1977 in die
Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) umbenannt wurde. Die Aufgabe der NNPC
bestand darin, die Erdölvorkommen zu erschließen, das Öl zu fördern, zu raffinieren, zu
vermarkten und die gesamte nigerianische Produktion zu überwachen. Damit war der Staat am
boomenden Erdölgeschäft und den Einnahmen aktiv beteiligt.
Nach einem kurzfristigen Einbruch Mitte der achtziger Jahre stabilisierte sich die jährliche
Produktion bis 1993 durch Joint-Ventures zwischen der NNPC und ausländischen Investoren
bei etwa 2 Millionen bbl/d. Einen Beitrag dazu leistete auch die vermehrte Offshore-Förderung
in den küstennahen Gebieten.
Die verringerte Zahlungen der NNPC in die Joint-Ventures und innenpolitische Unruhen
(siehe 2.3. und 2.4.) ließen die Erdölförderung in der Folgezeit auf dem Niveau von 1993
stagnieren. Abhilfe schaffte der Übergang zu den PSCs. Der geringere Einfluß des Staates auf
die Exploration in einem PSC wirkte sich positiv aus: Der jährliche Output stieg im Jahr 1997
auf 2,3 Millionen bbl/d an. Die fallenden Weltmarktpreise für Rohöl führten jedoch im
folgenden Jahr zur Absenkung der Produktion auf 2,153 Millionen bbl/d. Eine geringere
Förderung in den OPEC-Staaten sollte den Preis wieder nach oben treiben, was im Frühjahr
1999 auch teilweise gelungen ist.
Diagramm zur Fördermenge des Rohöls in Nigeria in 1000 bbl/d


2.3. Politische Ursachen für die Entwicklung der Erdölindustrie
Bereits zu Beginn der Erdölexploration in Nigeria existierte ein gewissen Einfluß der Politik
auf deren Entwicklung. Die von Großbritannien eingesetzte Kolonialregierung trieb die Suche
nach Rohöl im Nigerdelta, dem damaligen Oil Rivers Protectorate, schon vor 1900 voran. Als
schließlich 1956, am Ende der Kolonialzeit Nigerias, in Oloibiri das erste Öl gefördert werden
konnte, war dieser Fund einem britischen Konsortium zu verdanken (Shell-BP).
Von 1958 bis 1960 verstärkten sich die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen des nigerianischen
Volkes. Infolge dessen öffnete sich der Erdölsektor des Landes auch für andere ausländische
Firmen (wie z.B. Mobil Oil), wodurch die weitere Erschließung forciert wurde. Bis zu diesem
Zeitpunkt war der Einfluß des Staates weitgehend auf Regulierung und Verwaltung der
Steuereinnahmen aus der Ölbranche begrenzt.
Mit der Unabhängigkeit 1960 änderte sich dies grundlegend. Die neu gewählte nigerianische
Regierung erkannte die Bedeutung des schwarzen Rohstoffes für die inländische Wirtschaft
und die Staatsfinanzen. Deshalb erwarb das Land Beteiligungen an zukünftigen Explorationen.
Ein gutes Beispiel dafür ist die Partizipation von 30 % an der Nigerian Agip Oil Company
Mitte der sechziger Jahre. Dieses Vorgehen erwies sich sowohl für den Staat als auch für die
Ölkonzerne als vorteilhaft, da nicht nur die Gewinne, sondern auch die anfallenden
Betriebskosten aufgeteilt wurden. Die Fördermenge erreichte eine bis dahin unbekannte Höhe
und damit auch erstmals signifikante weltweite Bedeutung.
Mit Beginn des Bürgerkrieges gab es einen starken Einbruch in der Erdölproduktion. Das
Unabhängigkeitsbestreben von Ostnigeria, der durch den Militärgourveneur Lt-Col
Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu ausgerufenen Republik Biafra, führte das Land in einen
dreijährigen blutigen Konflikt, der auch der Ölindustrie beträchtlichen Schaden zufügte
(Zerstörung der notwendigen Pipelines und Pumpstationen). Noch während des Krieges
beschloß die nigerianische Führung im „1968 Companies Decree”, daß alle in Nigeria
operierenden internationalen Ölfirmen nigerianische Gesellschaften bilden mußten. Damit
wurden die Einnahmen aus dem Ölgeschäft gesteigert, ein nicht geringer Teil dürfte auch zur
Auffüllung der Kriegskasse gedient haben. Der Grad staatlicher Kontrolle wurde mit dem
„1969 Petroleum Decree” abermals erhöht. Dieser Beschluß bildet heute noch die Grundlage
für Joint-Ventures in Nigeria.
Von 1970 bis 1971 vergrößerte die inzwischen mehrfach gewechselte Regierung ihren Anteil
an den Ölkonsortien von durchschnittlich 35 % auf 55 -60 %, was einer Verstaatlichung
schon ziemlich nahe kommt. Ursache dafür war diesmal der OPEC-Beitritt Nigerias im Jahr
1971 und ein Aufruf an die Mitgliedsstaaten, ihren Einfluß auf die Petroleumindustrie
auszuweiten und somit die Machtposition der Organisation zu festigen. Als Folge dessen
entstand die staatliche NNOC und daraus später die NNPC, die ihren Regulationsanspruch
nicht nur im Upstream-Sektor, sondern ab 1977 auch durch Beteiligungen an den Raffinerien
des Landes im Downstream-Sektor geltend machte. Trotz der zunehmenden staatlichen
Kontrolle und den damit verbundenen Einschränkungen stiegen die Ölfördermenge und die
Einnahmen aufgrund wirtschaftlicher Ursachen (Ölpreisentwicklung, siehe 2.4.) bis in die
achtziger Jahre hinein.
Anfang der neunziger Jahre wurden die negativen Folgen der teilweise explosiven
Entwicklung in der Erdölbranche Nigerias sichtbar. Die ökologischen Schäden im Nigerdelta
führten zu Unruhen in den betroffenen Landesteilen (vor allem im Ogoni-Distrikt). Das Land
unter der Herrschaft von General Sani Abacha bezog inzwischen etwa 95 % der
Außenhandelseinnahmen aus dem Petroleumsektor. Die sich mehrenden Sabotagefälle an den
leckenden Pipelines, die das Ackerland der Bauern verseuchten und damit gravierende
Gesundheitsschäden verursachten, veranlaßten die Führung dazu, oppositionelle Bewegungen


zu unterbinden - durch systematische Unterdrückung, Inhaftierung, Folter und Mord. Bestes
Beispiel ist die Hinrichtung des nigerianischen oppositionellen Schriftstellers Ken-Saro Wiwa
am 10. November 1995, die von internationalen Protesten und dem temporären Ausschluß aus
dem Commonwealth, dem Nigeria angehört, begleitet wurde. Maßgebliche Schuld an der
Verschmutzung des Nigerdeltas und den damit verbundenen Protesten ist der nigerianischen
Shell-Tochtergesellschaft Shell Nigeria anzulasten. Der Konzern versucht nun, die
angerichteten (Image-) Schäden zu reparieren, wohl mit Blick auf die erzwungene Einstellung
der Förderung im Ogonigebiet durch die protestierende Menge im Jahr 1993 und die damit
verbundenen finanziellen Verluste. Die genannten Fakten und wirtschaftliche Ursachen (siehe
2.4.) führten zu einer Stagnation der Förderung auf dem bereits in 2.2. genannten Niveau von
2 Millionen bbl/d.
Mit der geplanten Rückkehr zur Demokratie nach dem Tode Abachas und den
Präsidentschaftswahlen vom 1. März 1999 ist die Gefahr einer Behinderung der Förderung
durch politische Unruhen minimiert worden. Interessant ist in dieser Hinsicht auch, daß trotz
mehrfacher gewaltsamer Machtwechsel in der Geschichte Nigerias die Entwicklung des
Erdölsektors nur unwesentlich beeinflußt wurde. Offensichtlich war die Regierungszeit der
einzelnen Machtinhaber zu kurz, um einen nachhaltigen Effekt zu hinterlassen.

2.4. Wirtschaftliche Ursachen für die Entwicklung der Erdölindustrie
Wirtschaftliche Ursachen spielten bisher eine größere Rolle in Nigerias Ölsektor als politische.
Der wohl bedeutendste ökonomische Faktor für die Entwicklung der Erdölindustrie des
Landes war und ist der Ölpreis auf dem Weltmarkt. Erst nach dem OPEC-Beitritt 1971 und
einem Anstieg von etwa 3 US$ auf mehr als 12 US$ / Barrel Mitte der siebziger Jahre kam es
zu einer rasanten Entwicklung der meisten noch heute existierenden Fördereinrichtungen und
der notwendigen Infrastruktur. Der Ölboom erreichte 1980 in der Ölkrise seinen Höhepunkt,
als ein Barrel Rohöl 38 US$ einbrachte -sehr zur Freude der beteiligten staatlichen NNPC. Zu
dieser Zeit konnte Nigeria kurzzeitig auch einen gewissen Reichtum vorweisen. Mit dem
stetigen Preisverfall bei Rohöl stabilisierte sich die Produktion nach kurzfristigen Einbrüchen
um 1985 bei 2 Millionen bbl/d, bis es wegen der milden Winter in Europa 1997 und 1998 und
der von Nigeria mitverschuldeten Überschreitung der Förderquoten um mehrere 100.000 bbl/d
zu einem deutlichen Einbruch bei den Weltmarktpreisen (< 10 US$ / Barrel) kam. In der
OPEC-Konferenz im Frühjahr 1999 wurde deshalb eine Reduzierung der Quoten beschlossen,
die für die derzeitige konstante Fördermenge verantwortlich ist, auch wenn sie von den
Mitgliedsstaaten nur zögerlich umgesetzt wird. Der Ölpreis stieg daraufhin auf moderate 17
US$ im Mai des Jahres.
Ein anderer Faktor, der Einfluß auf die Entwicklung des Upstream-Sektors ausübte, ist die
Beteiligung der NNPC an den in Nigeria tätigen Erdölkonzernen. Das stetige Absinken der
vom Staat in die Joint-Ventures eingebrachten Geldbeträge auf 2,1 Milliarden US$ von den
benötigten 3,1 Milliarden US$ im Jahr 1997 führte zu einer Verlangsamung der
Explorationsaktivität. Obwohl 1998 immerhin 2,8 Milliarden US$ in die
Gemeinschaftsunternehmen geflossen sind, sieht das Budget von 1999 nur 2 Milliarden US$
vor. Die ausländischen Investoren drängten deshalb Anfang der neunziger Jahre auf neue
Geschäftsformen, das Ergebnis waren die bereits mehrfach erwähnten PSCs, bei denen der
Staat erst nach Beginn der Förderung an den Einnahmen beteiligt ist. Dies führte zur
Steigerung der Exploration (besonders im Offshore-Bereich) und der Produktion in den Jahren
1996 und 1997.


Im Gegensatz zum Upstream gibt es beim Downstream hauptsächlich binnenwirtschaftliche
Probleme. Der maximale jährliche Output der Raffinerien von 438.750 bbl/d wurde und wird,
bedingt durch Sabotage, Brände, schlechtes Management und unzureichende Wartung, nicht
erreicht. Ständige technische Pannen zwingen oft zur völligen Unterbrechung der Produktion,
der derzeitige Ausstoß an Erdölprodukten wie Benzin, Diesel oder Kerosin liegt bei nur

250.000 bis 300.000 bbl/d. Dieser Engpaß wird durch den Diebstahl an den Förderleitungen
noch verstärkt, teilweise mit fatalen Folgen: Am 17. Oktober 1998 kam es in Jesse im Delta
State zu einer Explosion an einer angezapften NNPC-Transportleitung, bei der mehr als 1000
Menschen verbrannten. Wegen des chronischen Benzinmangels hatten sie versucht, sich aus
dieser Quelle illegal zu bedienen.
Ebenfalls besorgniserregend ist der anhaltende Schmuggel von Treibstoffen in die
rohstoffärmeren Nachbarländer, insbesondere nach Benin, Niger und Kamerun. Im Jahr 1993
schätzte man die auf diese Weise oft zum fünfzehnfachen Preis verkaufte Menge auf 100.000
bbl/d. Die allgemein übliche Bestechungspraxis in Nigeria leistete dieser Entwicklung
naturgemäß Vorschub. Die resultierenden negativen Folgen sind in der gesamten Wirtschaft
spürbar: Die Güterproduktion stagniert, die Mobilität der Bevölkerung wird beeinträchtigt
(z.B. durch die Reduzierung von Inlandsflügen), das gesamte Wachstum verlangsamt sich und
wird 1999 zum Stillstand kommen (realer Bruttosozialproduktanstieg von 0,0 %, nach 3,8 %
in 1997 und 1,6 % in 1998). Die Erdölindustrie bekommt dies hauptsächlich durch
Ersatzteilengpässe und die geringeren Investitionen der staatlichen NNPC in die
Joint-Ventures zu spüren. Beides verlangsamt den weiteren Ausbau der Förderkapazitäten und
beeinflußt auch die Sicherheit der Anlagen und Pipelines in der Zukunft negativ.
Die Entwicklung des Weltmarktpreises für Rohöl in US$ je Barrel


2.5. Fazit
Die Erdölindustrie ist und bleibt noch für lange Zeit der wichtigste Bereich der nigerianischen
Wirtschaft. Nach der Entdeckung der Erdölreserven im Jahr 1956 verlief die Entwicklung bis
Mitte der achtziger Jahre zunächst positiv, die zunehmende staatliche Kontrolle,
innenpolitische Probleme und vor allem wirtschaftliche Faktoren bremsten den bis dahin
boomenden Industriezweig beträchtlich. Trotz der 1999 mit den Präsidentschaftswahlen
erlangten innenpolitischen Stabilität läßt die derzeit schwierige Weltwirtschaftslage nur eine
mäßige Wachstumsprognose für das neue Jahrtausend zu.

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April 5, 2006, 9:41PM
Oil giants to steer clear until Nigeria has a truce
Worker safety must be assured, multinationals say

By TOM ASHBY
Reuters News Service

LAGOS, NIGERIA - Western multinationals have no plans to return staff to abandoned oil fields in Nigeria until there is a truce with militants who have attacked them, industry sources said Wednesday, dousing official expectations of an imminent resumption.

Militants from the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, or MEND, have waged a four-month campaign of kidnapping and sabotage against the world's eighth-largest oil exporter, which has cut supplies by a quarter.


An output of about 550,000 barrels per day of oil lies idle.

The rebels, who are demanding more local autonomy over the region's oil wealth, the release of two ethnic Ijaw leaders and compensation for oil spills, have threatened more attacks.

"The federal government must give us an assurance that the threat no longer exists and we must also hear from the militant side that that is correct," an oil industry source said, asking not to be named.

"Anything short of that would be taking an uncalculated risk with our staff," he added, noting that militants engaged troops in a gun battle in the delta on Thursday last week.

Nigerian Minister of State for Petroleum Edmund Daukoru, visiting Algiers, said he expected Royal Dutch Shell to resume production at its abandoned EA oil field in the southern Niger Delta imminently.

The company has not confirmed this.

Daukoru said he had received assurances that the oil field would resume pumping 115,000 barrels a day today and that the rest of the halted wells would take 30 days more to return.

A Shell spokeswoman in London said, "We will return to the areas when it is safe to do so, and there's nothing known in terms of timing."

A spokeswoman for Chevron, which also has production shut because of the crisis, declined to comment.

President Olusegun Obasanjo met delta activists, elders, officials and "youth leaders" — a local term for militants — on Wednesday afternoon, but MEND was not represented.

He set up a committee with a two-week deadline to draw up a detailed action plan for addressing infrastructure, education and employment in the region.

"We are not party to this jamboree. You will get our response to all this talk quite soon," MEND said in an e-mail.

The government has dismissed the militants as "rascals" and oil thieves, but their demands are shared by many in the region who feel cheated.

[Feuerblume]

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[Feuerblume]

In Nigeria ist Energulf nach eigener Aussage noch nicht "out of the picture". Was nach meiner Interpretation eigentlich nur heißen kann, dass sie in der nächsten kleinen Bid Round zusammen mit einem neuen Partner zum Zuge kommen wollen.

Für mich persönlich war es ein Glücksfall, dass die Konstellation Energulf-Derock-OPL 252 nicht zustandekam. Denn dieses Projekt hätte weder vom personellen Knowhow noch von der technischen bzkw. finanziellen Ausstattung her geschultert werden können. Derock hätte weder Finanz- noch Sachmittel oder Knowhow in das JV eingebracht sondern nur Probleme. Ein Scheitern in Nigeria (immerhin ein Projekt in 3000m Wassertiefe) hätte leicht den Untergang von Energulf verursachen können.

Derzeit geht meine Spekulation dahin, dass Energulf die Russen auch in Nigeria mit ins Boot nehmen wird. Interesse an diesen erfolgversprechenden Stücken werden die sicher haben.




FG Reserves 4 Oil Blocks for Chinese Firm
China to have controlling shares in Kaduna refinery
By Mike Oduniyi and Josephine Lohor in Abuja, 04.27.2006

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The Federal Government has reserved four oil blocks for China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) in the mini bid licensing round scheduled to hold next month, in response to about $6 billion (N768 billion) investment proposed by the Chinese investors for the Nigerian downstream petroleum sector.
This comes as Nigeria and China, whose president arrived on a two-day State visit yesterday, signed a seven-point Memorandum of Understa-nding that includes China buying a high stake in the Kaduna refinery that has the capacity of producing 110,000 barrels per day and the grant of a $500 million export credit in support of Nigeria’s infrastructural development.
The four blocks, two in the Niger Delta Basin and another two in the Chad Basin, were reserved for CNPC via the rule of right of first refusal that would also guide the mini bid round holding on May 19.
The Director, Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), Mr. Tony Chukwueke, told THISDAY yesterday that one onshore oil block and one continental shelf acreage would enjoy the right of first refusal.
"The Chinese have first right of refusal on four oil blocks that will be on offer at the mini bid round next month," said Chukwueke.
A total of 14 oil blocks would be on offer at the bid conference, where the government is targeting earnings of about $540 million (N69.12 billion) revenue from signature bonuses on the acreage.
Nine deep offshore blocks of the 14 that would be on offer, were the acreage in which oil majors namely Shell, ExxonMobil, Chevron and Total had mandatorily relinquished 50 percent of their holding.
They are OPL209 from where oil major, ExxonMobil, made the huge Erha oil field, discovery, OPL 212 which had Shell's Bonga deepwater field; OPL 211, OPL 213, OPL 216 where Chevron’s Agbami field was discovered; OPL 217 relinquished by Norway’s Statoil; OPL218, OPL220 and OPL246, where France's Total is drilling the Apko field.
The deep offshore block OPL 252, was withdrawn from Ene-rgulf/Derock consortium which won it at the 2005 licensing round but could not pay the $81 million signature bonus it had offered.
The remaining four blocks located in the Continental Shelf, which were allocated during the 2005 bid round but where the winners defaulted are OPL 289, OPL 471, OPL 233 and OPL 281.
The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr. Edmund Daukoru, had said on Sunday that Nigeria was set to sign a number of deals with China that will include construction of a refinery.
The agreement coincides with the state visit of Chinese president Hu Jintao to Nigeria. China is pushing for upstream acreage wherever it finds an opportunity with its focus recently on Africa.
China National Petroleum Corp was awarded four blocks in the 2005 Bid Round after it agreed to build a hydropower plant in the Mambila, Plateau State and take a 51 percent stake in the 110,000 barrels per day (bpd) Kaduna refinery. Sinopec has a service contract with a subsidiary of the Nigerian Petroleum Devel-opment Company (NPDC) covering development of two shallow water oil blocks.
It also has a contract with the NPDC, and Italy's Eni to develop the Okono and Okpoho fields which have combined reserves of 500 million barrels.
Meanwhile, Nigeria and China, whose president arrived on a two-day State visit yesterday, signed a seven-point Memorandum of Understanding that includes China buying a high stake in the Kaduna refinery that has the capacity of producing 110,000 barrels per day and the grant of a $500 million export credit in support of Nigeria’s infrastructural development.
Other agreements reached during the bilateral talks between President Olusegun Obasanjo and his Chinese counterpart are Economic and Technical Cooperation between the two countries; letters of grants and provision of Five Million yuan anti malaria medicines to Nigeria; and training course for 50 Nigerian officials and medical personnel on comprehensive malaria prevention and control by China worth 40 million yuan.
Other agreements include the dispatching of an investigation team of experts on the projects of Nigeria –China friendship and cultural centre; memoranda of Understanding on National Information and Communication Technology Infrastructure backbone in Nigeria between the federal ministry of Science and Technology and Huawei Technolgies; agreement on petroleum cooperation between Nigeria and China; and MOU on financing agreement and provision of concesional loan of $500 million between Nigeria and ex-im bank of China.
President Jintao who is expected to address a joint session of the National Assembly today, had in a press statement issued earlier stated that he looked “forward to an in-depth exchange of views with President Obasanjo on promoting China-Nigeria relations and on international and other issues of common interest.
"I'm confident that my visit will expand cooperation for mutual benefit in various fields and enhance China and Nigeria's strategic partnership," he added.
China’s trade volume with Nigeria now stands at N370 billion ($2.83 billion) which shows an increase of 29.6 per cent over the figures of 2004.

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HANDELSBLATT, Dienstag, 02. Mai 2006, 09:25 Uhr

Besiegelung neuer Ölverträge
China stützt Afrikas korrupte Regime, Quelle: Handelsblatt

Von Wolfgang Drechsler

Chinas wirtschaftliche Expansion in Afrika stößt im Westen zunehmend auf Kritik. Menschenrechtler kritisieren, dass Peking auf dem Kontinent vor allem korrupte oder international geächtete Regime hofiert.

KAPSTADT. Aber auch in Peking sind die Verträge, die Präsident Hu Jintao von seiner am Wochenende zu Ende gegangenen Afrika-Reise mitbrachte, nicht unumstritten: Wenn er die Afrika-Politik seines Landes sehe, fühle er sich in vielerlei Hinsicht an die koloniale Besitznahme des Kontinents durch Europa erinnert, sagt ein Wissenschaftler an der chinesischen Akademie für Sozialwissenschaften, der ungenannt bleiben möchte.

Ein Beispiel für Pekings Politik ist Kenia: Während die Niederlande wegen der grassierenden Korruption gerade ein fast 150 Mill. Dollar schweres Hilfspaket storniert haben, unterzeichnete Hu in Nairobi ein Abkommen zur Erschließung von Ölfeldern und Verträge über eine stärkere Kooperation im Straßenbau und im Kampf gegen Malaria. Kenias Präsident Mwai Kibaki, aber auch Simbabwes Diktator Robert Mugabe fordern schon lange, dass Afrika sich vom Westen abwenden und dafür stärker nach Osten schauen sollte.

Dass China angesichts seines enormen Rohstoffhungers kaum Risiken scheut, zeigt auch das Engagement in Nigeria. Hier hat Hu den Kauf von vier Erdölkonzessionen besiegelt. Im Gegenzug wird Peking rund vier Mrd. Dollar in eine Ölraffinerie im Norden von Nigeria stecken. Bereits zu Jahresbeginn hatte sich ein chinesischer Staatskonzern für 2,3 Mrd. Dollar in eine Konzession für ein Ölfeld vor der nigerianischen Küste eingekauft. Den 45-Prozent-Anteil hatte ein nigerianischer Ex-Verteidigungsminister verkauft, der das Paket noch zu Zeiten der Militärdiktatur erhalten hatte. Dass die Besitzverhältnisse ungeklärt sind und die Konzession mit zahlreichen Auflagen behaftet ist, schreckte die Investoren aus dem Reich der Mitte nicht.

Allerdings sieht China Afrika nicht nur als Rohstofflieferant, sondern auch als Absatzmarkt für seine vielen billigen Konsumgüter, die sich wegen der minderen Qualität im Westen schwer verkaufen lassen. Inzwischen hat Peking Handelsverträge mit 40 afrikanischen Staaten geschlossen. Ein chinesischer Telefonkonzern erhielt den Zuschlag zur Wartung der Mobilfunknetze in Kenia, Simbabwe und Nigeria. Gleichzeitig ist im Zuge dieser Expansion die Textilbranche in Südafrika, aber auch in Lesotho und Malawi durch den Zustrom von Billigwaren massiv unter Druck geraten. Der Warenaustausch zwischen China und Afrika überstieg vergangenes Jahr erstmals die Marke von 30 Mrd. Dollar – ein Plus von mehr als 30 Prozent pro Jahr seit 2001. Schon in fünf Jahren könnte das Reich der Mitte bei diesem Tempo zu den drei größten Investoren auf dem Kontinent zählen.

Seit Hus erster Afrika-Reise 2004 hat sich China Öl aus Gabun und dem Sudan gesichert, aber auch für 800 Mill. Dollar einen Vertrag mit Nigeria über die Lieferung von 30 000 Barrel Öl am Tag geschlossen. Daneben hat es Angola, dem zweitgrößten Ölproduzenten in Schwarzafrika, ohne nennenswerte Auflagen einen zinsgünstigen Kredit von zwei Mrd. Dollar gewährt – im Austausch für weitere 10 000 Barrel Öl pro Tag.

Mit dieser Politik unterläuft Peking bewusst westliche Hilfszusagen, die nun stärker als bisher an demokratische Fortschritte und eine transparentere Haushaltsführung in den Empfängerländern geknüpft werden. So darf etwa der Sudan, dem Peking beim Bau von Raffinerien und Pipelines hilft, voll auf Chinas Unterstützung im Uno-Sicherheitsrat zählen. Eine Verurteilung Khartums wegen seines Vertreibungskrieges in Darfur ist dort bislang genauso am Veto der Chinesen gescheitert wie im Fall der fortgesetzten Menschenrechtsverletzungen in Simbabwe

Hinzu kommt, dass in fast allen afrikanischen Konflikten Waffen aus China eingesetzt werden. Als Rebellen im April versuchten, die Hauptstadt des Tschad zu erobern, trugen viele chinesisches Kriegsgerät, das sie zuvor im Sudan erhalten hatten. Und erst vergangenes Jahr erwarb Simbabwe sechs Kampfflugzeuge im Wert von mehr als 100 Mill. Dollar von China. Als Gegenleistung soll das Regime in Harare den Chinesen Bodenschätze wie Platin und Chrom offeriert haben.

Der deutsche Politologe Denis Tull sieht Chinas wachsenden Einfluss in Afrika inzwischen „überwiegend negativ“. Statt von den dortigen Machthabern mehr Transparenz und Demokratie einzufordern, unterstütze Peking unter dem Deckmantel des Souveränitätsprinzips korrupte und den Menschenrechten zuwiderlaufende Praktiken. Chinesische Politiker verweisen dagegen gerne auf den gemeinsam mit Afrika geführten Kampf gegen die europäischen Imperialisten: „Wir haben zusammen für die Freiheit gekämpft und werden das auch künftig tun“, sagte Hu am Wochenende in Nairobi. Zu einem direkten Zusammenstoß mit westlichen Interessen ist es bislang nur bei der Ausbeutung des Erdöls in Nigeria und Angola gekommen. Sowohl China als auch die USA wollen ihre Öleinfuhren stärker diversifizieren und setzen dabei verstärkt auf Quellen in Schwarzafrika.

Der südafrikanische Analyst Moeletsi Mbeki sieht das Buhlen der Volksrepublik um Afrika zweischneidig: „China birgt große Chancen, aber auch große Gefahren für Afrika.“ Zu befürchten sei, dass die Chinesen zwar ihre Chancen nutzten, die große Masse der Afrikaner aber wieder einmal nur Zuschauer bleibe.

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Danjuma’s $2.4 billion dollar Oil loot
January 09, 2006


BY Sunny Ofili from TheTimesofNigeria.com
DATE : Monday, 09 January 2006
While Nigerians rejoice at the news of the announcement of China’s CNOOC decision to invest in the Nigerian oil and gas sector with the acquisition of a stake in a Nigerian offshore oil and gas field for $2.3bn, many are ignorant of the beneficiary of this largesse.
TON’s investigations reveals that former Minister of Defense during President Olusegun Obasanjo’s first term government, General Theophilus Danjuma, is the owner of South Atlantic Petroleum whose interest in the Akpo Oil and Gas field the Chinese company acquired.

The oil concession known as block OPL 246 was awarded on February 25 1998 to Danjuma, a crony of the late maximum ruler, General Sani Abacha. There was no bidding process during Abacha’s dictatorship and oil and other contracts were awarded to friends and families as political patronages.
This is a private venture between General Danjuma’s South Atlantic Petroleum and the Chinese company. None of the proceeds from this contract will reach the Nigerian government.
TON can reveal that General Danjuma did not pay a signature bonus for the block when it was awarded to him in 1998 by his friend, General Abacha.
Only last month, India's government blocked plans by its state-owned Oil & Natural Gas Corp’s bid to invest $2 billion in Nigerian through the acquisition of South Atlantic’s 10% interest in the Akpo Oil and gas field, forcing the company to seek energy assets elsewhere to feed demand in Asia's fourth-largest economy.
Indian’s Finance Minister P. Chidambaram, who spoke to reporters after the decision was made, did not say why the government rejected the plan. However, two people involved in the transaction said that China's state-owned Concoct Ltd. also submitted a bid.
A major concern to the Indian government might have been the controversy surrounding the acquisition of the oil block.
“The nature of South Atlantic’s stake in Akpo and how it was obtained are such that any deal was always going to be complicated,” Antony Goldman, a London-based risk analyst at Clearwater Research Services, said
“A lot of other companies have had a look at this opportunity and walked away. Theophilus Danjuma, previously Nigeria’s defense minister and a former army chief, is one of the owners of South Atlantic. The company gained its stake in the Akpo field during the regime of general Sani Abacha, who took power in a military coup in 1993 and died five years later.”
International Oil and Gas analysts are worried that the ownership of the oil block might become a subject of litigation someday depending on who assumes power in 2007 after current Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo steps down.
Obasanjo’s friendship with Danjuma may have been a reason why the current government has failed to raise the issue of the improper award of the oil block. The block was awarded a year before Obasanjo took over as Nigeria’s president.
Similar awards made by the Abacha government were all cancelled when the Obasanjo government took over in 1999.
Observers believe that a new Nigerian government may be forced through either third party litigation or public outcry to look into the award process of the lucrative oil bloc.
The Akpo Project is a deep offshore installation based on a stand-alone facility. Some 44 subsea wells (22 producers, 20 water injectors and two gas injectors) are arranged around various subsea infrastructures wells in water depths ranging from 1,300 to 1,500 meters , and connected to production facilities on a new-built FPSO (Floating Production, Storage and Offloading vessel) via insulated production flow lines and steel catenary risers of the most advanced technology with and .
The FPSO, which is designed for 240 people aboard, has a capacity of 175,000 for stabilized condensate, 530 for produced gas and a capacity of two million barrels crude storage.
The Akpo field is scheduled to start producing by 2008, eight years after its discovery. As technical advisor for the OPL 246 joint venture, Total will supervise the drilling of the 44 wells
When fully operational, the Akpo Oil field will account for 9% of Nigerias oil output.

Akpo Oil and Gas field at a glance:
Operator: South Atlantic Petroleum

Contract block name: OPL 246

Partners:
NNPC 50%
South Atlantic: 10%
TUPNI: 24%
Brasoil: 16%

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Middle East Economic Survey

VOL. XLIX
No 19
8-May-2006

REGIONAL/SUPPLY/DEMAND

Global Energy Security – An Elusive Target (Part 1/2)

By Manouchehr Takin,

The following article by Dr Takin, of the Centre for Global Energy Studies in London ([e-mail]), is a version of one presented to “The International Conference on Energy & Security: Asian Vision” organized by the Institute for Political and International Studies and the Institute for International Energy Studies in Tehran on 12 March 2006. The views expressed are the author’s and not those of CGES. Part 2 will be published next week.

Politicians around the world have long used oil security as a critical national/international factor to initiate controversial public policies. In the last few years and particularly in recent months, energy supply security has made headlines. The more recent include the reduction of gas deliveries from Russia to Ukraine and Europe, a 75% reduction target for US oil imports from the Middle East and the tension among some European countries and with the EU Commission on the extent of deregulation, market liberalization and takeover and mergers between utility companies.

In this article, it is argued that security of energy supply cannot be realized by one-sided public policies or political rhetoric without considering economic and business realities. More importantly, the policies should be based on global cooperation among suppliers, consumers, businesses and policy makers in an interdependent world. Furthermore, particularly for oil, it should also encompass the security of future demand. The latter, however, is not taken seriously, particularly under the tight oil market environment of the last two or three years.

Traditional View Of Oil Supply Security
This view is a legacy from the oil concessionaires in the early 20th century, their undue influence in the countries where they operated, acting almost as a state-within-a-state or an arm of the foreign ministry and intelligence services of their home governments, influencing and manipulating the domestic politics and even changing governments in the oil-rich countries. The goals of the concessionaire companies were to secure oil supplies for their home countries and enrich their shareholders.

The common view of the time is of a bipolar world with undue political influence exerted by the militarily and economically powerful industrialized oil consumers who supported the oil companies’ unfair exploitation of the oil resources in the weaker countries of the developing world. The companies controlled both production and price of oil. The oil world was a mix of the political power of the industrialized countries and the cartel power of the oil companies. The countries with oil resources had almost no control on their oil.

These views are beyond conjecture and conspiracy theory. They have been analyzed by researchers and analysts benefiting from the unclassified government documents that have since become available. The oil rich countries of the Middle East are classic examples of the traditional view.

Reactions To Oil Concessions
The conditions under concessions led to political movements for the nationalization of oil industry around the world. Similarly, the establishment of OPEC in 1960 had the political support of the governments of oil producing countries. These movements were for a more equitable share of the oil revenues for the producing countries and for some control on the production and pricing of oil.

It is important to note that the ultimate goals for both oil nationalization and establishing OPEC were business practice in a fair commercial environment, security of supply to consumers, oil market stability and a fair return to the investors in oil industry. Politics was not to play any significant role, nor to interfere in the commercial practice of oil business. Indeed, not long after nationalization, the governments and the national oil companies in many of those countries established commercial relationships with the former oil concessionaires.

The 1973 Arab Oil Embargo
A prominent example of oil, politics and security was the 1973 oil embargo by Arab producers during the Arab/Israeli war. It was a serious military engagement and in response the Arabs resorted to the use of oil. The Arab embargo, however, was limited to four countries and was gradually reduced and finally lifted a few months later. Nevertheless, for more than 30 years the oil producers in general and OPEC in particular have been wrongly criticized for using oil as weapon. In fact, the 1973 Arab oil embargo has been the landmark event used to justify numerous policies by the industrialized countries to increase their own supply security and to reduce their dependence on oil and particularly on the oil from OPEC and the Middle East.

What is not often realized is that they have been very successful in advancing the goals of those policies. For example, the OECD countries have since achieved a 50% reduction in the quantity of oil used for a unit of their GDP in real terms. This was reached by conservation, increasing energy efficiency, growth of alternative energies and diversification of energy supplies away from oil. The countries have also been successful in reducing their dependence on Middle East oil by encouraging the finding and production of more oil in other parts of the world.

A New and Different View Of Oil Security?
Half a century later, one could argue that the state of the world oil industry has changed from the traditional view. Since the middle of the 20th century, many new and independent oil companies, as well as new national companies from the oil consuming industrialized countries, have entered the scene. They introduced strong global competition, drastically changing the monopoly power of the former concessionaires, offering more competitive terms and adopting almost revolutionary policies. These developments and the establishment of OPEC brought about major changes and one could argue that the oil companies today are very different. They act as private enterprises with mostly business orientation and they try to be apolitical.

Oil still plays an important role in the world. But one could argue that it is not the overriding factor in international affairs. Strategic considerations, seeking power and influence, access to markets for goods and services, economic priorities and even cultural and religious issues play a greater role than oil supply security. In these decades, business priorities have been paramount for the oil industry – super-majors, majors, other international companies and independents. Even the national oil companies aspire not to be unduly influenced by their governments. The oil industry wishes not to become involved in the vagaries of domestic and international politics.

The same could be said about various oil industry associations and institutions, as well as international organizations such as OPEC. The latter has tried to be apolitical and to remain concerned mostly with business considerations for the benefit of all its member countries. The Organization has been quite successful in this endeavor, in spite of the differences in the domestic and international political stances of the governments, and even military conflicts between members. Domestically, however, in some countries the running of the oil industry has been politicized.

Other oil and gas producing and exporting countries have also become more commercially oriented. Over the decades, the influence of politics has been decreasing in global oil and gas industry operations and trade. This trend has led to greater security of oil and gas supplies. A good example in this respect is the natural gas imports from the Former Soviet Union to Europe since the mid-1980s. At the time, the US under the late President Reagan exerted great efforts to stop the Europeans becoming dependent on the “evil communist empire”. The Europeans decided to go ahead with the deal for up to 30% of their gas imports. Twenty years later, the deal has been a great success in providing a reliable source of supply. The flow of gas to Europe was not disrupted, even during the turmoil of the collapse of the Soviet system.

Recent Increase In The Use Of Oil As Foreign Policy Tool
An interesting point is that although nowadays the companies try to remain apolitical, governments are politicizing the oil scene and we could say this about all governments.

1. Resource Holders
The governments of these countries use oil deal options as part of their diplomatic and international political maneuverings, eg giving preference to the companies from one country on political considerations. As another example, while the US companies entering Azerbaijan in the 1990s did not wish to be associated with the US government, the late President Heydar Aliyev of Azerbaijan insisted on signing those oil agreements in the White House, in the presence of President Clinton. In Russia, the state is gradually exerting greater control and limiting the share of foreign investors. Some interpret the break-up of Yukos oil company as an example of such policy under President Putin.

In the last few years, the rise in the price of oil has strengthened the negotiating position of oil producers vis-a-vis the international oil companies. Many producing countries are pressing for an increased share of revenue in their deals with foreign companies. These appear as higher royalties and taxes announced by the governments or direct pressure on companies for a renegotiation of the terms of their agreements. Though such developments could be viewed more as commercial matters (eg Angola and Kazakhstan), one has to acknowledge that they have become partly politicized (eg Venezuela and Bolivia). In many cases, these developments have appeared following the political changes after elections.

In the older oil producing countries (eg Middle East and Latin America) the emotional memories of concessions and oil nationalization persist. They influence the dealings and negotiations with oil companies; a purely business environment is not maintained.

2. Consumers
It is not often realized that the governments in oil consuming countries are also increasingly interfering in the international oil and gas business, banning companies from operating in some countries and imposing sanctions on others. The political element in public policy for oil and energy in the importing and consuming countries has gone beyond the issue of oil supply security. Oil has become a foreign policy tool. The oil companies worry more about the political risks, uncertainties and vagaries in their own home countries than the political risks in the oil and gas producing countries.

An obvious example is the US President and the Congress forbidding US companies from operating in some countries, imposing oil sanctions on others, or threatening to impose sanctions on non-US companies investing in oil and gas in third countries. The extra-territorial applicability of these restrictions were challenged, eg by the EU Commission. Nevertheless, they exist and could still be applied.

The sanctions, though politically motivated, have caused distortion in international business, and oil and gas production and transport. The development of the hydrocarbon resources of those countries was delayed and the output level or the rate of growth of oil and gas production has been reduced.

As another example, the pressures resulted in bypassing Iran as the logical and least-cost route for transporting oil and gas from the Caspian region to the international market. India and Pakistan are now under pressure not to initiate the project of importing gas from Iran, although this is a reasonable business proposal and will strengthen peace between the two countries.

Energy Security Concerns By Politicians – A Revival
Oil and energy supply security has again been attracting attention, particularly in recent years. Securing future oil and energy supplies has become a common term in the vocabulary of politicians. The politicians have also benefited from the recent headlines that world oil production has already reached or shall soon reach a peak and that an inevitable production decline will follow.

Achieving energy security is unfortunately becoming synonymous with energy self-sufficiency and is leading to protectionism and market distortion. This finds itself in conflict with ideals such as free trade, liberalization, globalization and free markets – the ideals long portrayed as the solution to most world problems. This conflict or inconsistency has appeared for individual countries as well as groups of countries. Examples include the US and the EU, as well as Russia and the Former Soviet Union (FSU). These are discussed below.

1. The US
Since 11 September 2001, the US has become more conscious of its dependence on imported oil from the Middle East. The early expectations for prolific oil exports from the Caspian basin, Russia and West Africa have proved to be over-optimistic. Oil production from these regions will be significant but it cannot replace the Middle East. Nevertheless, President Bush in his latest State of the Union Address called for a 75% reduction of US oil imports from the Middle East by 2025.

This statement is said to be contrary to liberalized trade and free market environments encouraged by the US, and has generated further debate on the relative merits of global interdependence, self-sufficiency, protectionism and energy security. A common response is that the oil produced in any part of the world will be traded in the international market by national, international or independent companies. Its final destination will be determined in the market, based on price and commercial criteria, least cost and maximum profit options, within a global network of many oil production and export terminals, import terminals and consumption centers connected via numerous tanker routes and pipelines.

In this system no one country could dictate the recipient of the oil, unless that state (eg the US government), rather than an oil company, has invested in oilfield development or concluded long-term oil purchase agreements with another country. This would involve committing enormous investments for exploration and development around the world or huge funds for oil purchase transactions in order to meet the future oil requirements of the country. It is not a practical financial proposition due to the large volumes involved and it cannot provide long-term oil supply security for any country. Such arrangements could be practical and are already in place on a smaller scale as the strategic petroleum reserves of the International Energy Agency. However, they would provide only few months of oil imports to the major consuming countries, in case of an unexpected supply disruption.

Nevertheless, it has to be recognized that the US dependence on Middle East oil could be gradually reduced, though not necessarily by 75%, using public policies that encourage energy conservation, increased efficiency of vehicles and other oil consuming equipment, and the development of other energies such as ethanol, as stated in the President’s address, the expansion of nuclear power within the US, and the encouragement of oil exploration and production in the US and in the world outside the Middle East. Such policies have been effective globally, and dependence on oil has been drastically reduced over the past 30 years. This trend could continue by the implementation of similar policies in the future.

2. The European Union
The recent developments in Europe pose similar contradictions, both within the EU and with energy suppliers outside Europe. Serious tensions have surfaced on the priorities for the individual states and for the Union. Although the main goal of the EU is reaching a liberal and free market, member governments are bluntly blocking mergers and takeover bids from across their borders, particularly in the energy sector. One also observes resentment when one European country has to import large quantities of electricity from another, although both are within the EU. “Economic nationalism” is now used by European leaders. The headline news in early 2006 provides recent examples:
The Spanish government trying to block the takeover bid by Eon, the German energy group, for Endesa the Spanish company.

The encouragement by the French government for a merger between Suez and Gaz de France to pre-empt a bid for Suez by Eni from Italy.

The merger of Eni and Enel, apparently with the encouragement by the Italian authorities.
3. Russia And The Former States Of The USSR
The FSU is an obvious case of internal inconsistencies, now that it has been broken into a number of independent states. The energy sector in each country was only one component among many in the union. It was subject to command economy, central planning and the inter-relationships for the whole Soviet system and had operated for several decades. Naturally, contradictions and incongruent features have appeared after the break-up of the USSR. The interdependence within the former union was replaced by national priorities and aspirations of the individual countries. These were not necessarily in line with the former union and the tensions continue today. As examples one could mention:
The locations of Kazakhstan’s oilfields and its refineries, the incongruent prices and tariffs for oil and gas trade and transport within or between these countries, as well as foreign trade and import and export routes, etc.

The headline news on the reduction of natural gas supplies to Ukraine and Europe on the first day of 2006 is a more recent example. By the way, this has been wrongly identified as indicating a threat to energy supply security for Europe rather than a temporary commercial dispute between the Russian and Ukrainian companies on the price of gas and the ownership of pipelines.

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria records another stride in offshore oil exploration
• Tuesday, May 9, 2006
Nigeria has successfully recorded another giant stride in offshore oil exploration. The latest in its exploratIon success is its deepwater Bonga North Oil and Gas prospect, Offshore Nigeria.

Bonga North 2Xwell, according to sources is located North of the Bonga main field. It was spudded on October 25, 2005 and drilled in 1,019 meters (3,343 feet) of water.

But the exploration well reached a total depth of 4,135 meters (13,600 feet) in December 2005 and penetrated about 90 meters (300 feet) of hydrocarbon bearing sands in several intervals.

The exploration success in Bonga North Offshore is coming on the heels of the commencement of Erha deepwater production, the second deepwater oil project in Nigeria.

Already, Shell Nigeria Exploration and Production Company (SNEPCo) that operates the OML 118 Oil block has formally announced the discovery in Offshore Exploration. SNEPCo holds 55% equity interest’ and other co-ventures include Esso Exploration Production Nigeria (Deepwater) Limited - 20%, Nigeria Agip Exploration Limited - 12.5% and Elf Petroleum Nigeria Limited 12.5 percent.

Managing Director of SNEPCo, Chima Ibeneche expressed happiness with what he called “yet another exploration success in deepwater Nigeria’.

He said the discovery has reinforced the trend of Shell’s exploration efforts in the challenging environment, adding that, “we are proud of our contribution towards the realization of Nigeria’s oil and gas potentials”.

The Tide learnt that the latest discovery when combined with the Bonga North 1XST discovery, recorded during the first quarter of 2004 would strengthen the hydrocarbon resource potential of this sector of the greater Bonga area.

Meanwhile, Nigeria’s crude oil reserves are expected to increase by about 500,000 this year, up from the December 2005 figure of 35 billion barrels. The group Managing Director of Nigerian National Petroleum. Corporation (NNPC), Mr. Funsho Kupolokun said at a lecture he delivered at the Baker Institute Energy forum, Rice University, USA, that the Nigeria’s crude oil reserves at 35 billion in 2005 was higher than the 1996 figure of 28 billion.

He noted that gas reserves have also increased by about 19 trillion cubic feet using the same period, bringing the total reserves to about 184cf with Nigeria Yanking Seventh In the World gas reserves profile.

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria Announces Guidelines for Mini-Licensing Round
by Vincent Nwanma, Dow Jones Newswires FWN Select Thursday, April 13, 2006


LAGOS, Apr 13, 2006 (Dow Jones Commodities News Select via Comtex)
The Nigerian government Tuesday announced May 19 as the date for a mini-licensing round for 14 oil blocks that are tied to projects in the country's downstream and power sectors.

Nigeria also announced it had pre-qualified 11 companies, most of them foreign, for the exercise. Each participant is expected to invest at least $2 billion in Nigeria's refining capacity or power generation, in addition to the development of the blocks they are bidding for.

"The exercise is aimed at ensuring that we don't only produce crude oil, but that we also produce refined products," Tony Chukwueke, Director of the Department of Petroleum Resources, said while announcing the guidelines.

Among the companies already pre-qualified for the mini-bid round are China National Petroleum Corp. (CNPC.YY), BG Sahara, ONGC Mital, Global Steel Holding, and INC Natural Resources Exploration.

Others include Clean Waters Consortium, NAOC/Lotus, ONGC Videsh, CPC Star Crest Energy, Transnational Corp., and Ni-Delta United Oil Company. Among the 14 blocks on offer are 209, 211, 212, 213, 216, and 217. Others include 218, 220, 246, and 252. These are half of the blocks voluntarily relinquished by operators of production sharing contracts signed within the period 1993-1998, through what the guidelines described as "mandatory adherence to existing rules."

Other blocks are 289, 233, 281, and 471. These are blocks that were offered in the 2005 bid round, but were not taken up.

Rights of first refusal will be granted to participants on specific blocks, the guidelines said. There are no limits to the number of blocks that participants can bid for.

The guidelines say the minimum performance bond is $75 million, while the minimum bonus is fixed for various terrains: $50 million for deepwater, $25 million for continental shelf, and $5 million for onshore. It said that the biddable parameter to be used in the exercise is the signature bonus.

The guidelines also indicate that a minimum local content level of 40% will be required for blocks on the continental shelf, and 25% for those in deepwater. It said that participants would be allowed to select indigenous companies to serve as local content vehicles - to provide the local content materials for each block.

In the 2005 bid round, winners of blocks were matched with indigenous companies to serve as providers of local content materials for their blocks. The new arrangement, according to the guidelines, is to save time.

However, the guidelines say that prior to the bidding conference in May, bidding applicants will have to agree with the government on work program, cost oil ceiling, and work commitment to the local content vehicles for the various terrains.

The guidelines also announced a number of non-refundable fees to be paid by applicants. These are: application fee - $10,000; bidding processing - $10,000, and data prying fee - $25,000/ block. Others are data lease - $20,000/block, and $50,000 for report per block.

Bidders are required to attach to their bidding documents, bank drafts for 25% of the signature bonus proposed by them.

Chukwueke explained last week that companies wishing to participate in this mini-bid round were required to make proposals to the government on projects they plan to embark on in the downstream sector. If their proposals were acceptable to the government, then they would be invited for talks, before being allowed to participate in the bidding process.

(C) 2006 FWN Select. All Rights Reserved

[Feuerblume]

In Fortsetzung zu den Postings Nr. 32 und 33

Danjuma’s Political Stance May Cost Him Oil Block
• DPR moves to cancel OPL 246, Kupolokun: How to stem N/Delta crisis
By Samuel Famakinwa in Lagos and Onyebuchi Ezigbo in Abuja, 05.10.2006

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South Atlantic Petroleum Limited, owned by former Minister of Defence, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, may lose its Oil Prospecting Licence 246 which the Federal Government has put among blocks that are up for bidding in the Mini Bid Round to be concluded May 19, 2006.
Although South Atlantic is already in court to contest the inclusion of the extant portion of the OPL 246 which the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) asserted was “mandatorily relinquished” by the company, THISDAY however gathered that the move may be as a result of Danjuma’s stance on the third term issue.
Apart from Danjuma’s strong opposition to the third term agenda, his wife, Senator Daisy Danjuma, has also not been supportive of the issue on the floor of the Senate.
Also the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Engr. Funsho Kupolokun has hinged the restoration of peace in the Niger Delta on the implementation of a sustained development initiative in the region by all stakeholders.
South Atlantic’s counsel, C. A. Candide-Johnson (SAN), of Strachan Partners said “South Atlantic Petroleum Limited has not at any time relinquished its rights and interest in OPL 246”.
“Consequently, it is necessary to give public notice to whomsoever it may concern that South Atlantic Petroleum Limited has instituted legal proceedings in the Federal High Court of Nigeria in Suit No. FHC/L/CS/361/2006 for the protection of its exclusive rights and interest in OPL 246.
“Among reliefs sought are declarations and injunctions to prohibit reassignment, sale, transfer or other such interference in the rights and interest of South Atlantic Petroleum Limited in and over OPL 246.
“Any person, company or body who has been invited to participate in the bid for OPL 246 during the ‘Mini Bid Round’ scheduled to take place during the month or who otherwise unlawfully interferes with OPL 246, is warned that they have due notice and will be acting at their own manifest risk”, Candide-Johnson said.
The interest holders in OPL 246 are South Atlantic (60 per cent), Total Upstream Nigeria Limited (24 per cent) and Brasoil Oil Services Company Nigeria Limited (Petrobras) (16 per cent) and the license is to expire March 2008.
According to information, upon issuance of the second OML, the Federal Government of Nigeria exercised its “back-in-rights” whereby it acquired a fifty per cent interest from the sixty per cent owned by South Atlantic.
THISDAY gathered that neither the Petroleum Act and the Regulations nor the Deed, Letters of Allocation and Extension of OPL 246 contain any specific conditions pertaining to relinquishment of the remaining portions of OPL 246.
Candide-Johnson also noted that “when we voluntarily relinquished the Special Regime Area in favour of the Joint Development Zone, the allotee of the new block refused to pay the Signature Bonus until they received the relinquishment documents duly signed by OPL 246 interest holders”.
He said “it is in the interest of Nigeria to maintain the sanctity of the Contracts (Deeds) it signs and not arbitrarily erode the value of investments”.
Meanwhile, the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Engr. Funsho Kupolokun has hinged the restoration of peace in the Niger Delta on the implementation of sustained development initiative in the region by all stakeholders.
He said the new strategy, which has been put forward by the Federal Government would mean a transition from the era of doling out gifts to host communities as a means of quelling conflicts to a more pragmatic approach of working out measures that would guarantee sustainable community development.
Kupolokun explained that as part of government's efforts to attract more investment to the region, NNPC is embarking on a gas export initiative, which will lead to the use of facilities at the Calabar Jetty to supply gas to an LNG plant in Equatorial Guinea.
The GMD whose views were contained in a lecture entitled "Tourism and Oil and Gas in the Niger Delta" delivered at the Cross River State Economic Roundtable held in Calabar over the weekend, said the strategy lays more emphasis on greater consultation, needs analysis and local capacity building to ensure sustainable intervention to ameliorate the Niger Delta problem.
Kupolokun noted that the recent agreement between Nigeria and Equatorial Guinea for the supply of gas to that country's LNG plant will result in the movement of 1.2b scf/d of gas by 2008, through Cross River State, thereby making the area a hub of economic activities.
"This includes the partial movement of NNPC's operations to Cross River State because of the E&P activities that will arise, expected demand for logistics and air link between Calabar and Equatorial Guinea", he said.
The GMD said the fallout of the FG's development plan for the Niger Delta which is the building of the seven power plants in the region, will result in more gas utilisation and the transformation of the entire zone into a bee-hive of activities as far as gas is concerned.
The NNPC boss said apart from the business opportunities in the area of procurement, construction and other support services, entrepreneurs have the chance of establishing industries to process locally mined barite and bentonite ores and supply to oil companies in the country and the Gulf of Guinea.
On the downstream sector where business is expected to expand further when NNPC's mega and floating stations comes on stream in Calabar, Kupolokun called on investors in the state to take advantage of the opportunity derivable to engage in the production of petro-chemicals by-products such as polypropylene used for film packaging and bread wraps.
According to him, the corporation is willing to allow such business operators the use import reception facilities at the Calabar Port.
"NNPC will lease its thorough put to the business concerns for product importation and supply,” he said adding that at the moment the Port facility is operated only by NNPC and Chevron.
Cross River State Governor, Mr. Donald Duke spoke glowingly of the efficacy of the deregulated downstream petroleum sector, which he said has succeeded in checking fuel scarcity in the country.
Duke said "putting an end to fuel queues is grand achievement which has to be attributed to the present regime."
At the event, the NNPC boss assured students from the state, especially graduates in the field of sciences and engineering of fair opportunity in participating in the operations of the oil industry.
He said the students of the state could avail themselves of the opportunity of gaining specialised training under the government's local content policy initiative, which is presently gulping N1bn annually to implement.
Also in furtherance of the cause of local content drive, Kupolokun said NNPC was ready to enter into joint venture with the Cross State government to set up a fabrication yard in the state.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.502.401 von Feuerblume am 10.05.06 11:25:23

Nigeria: Danjuma's Political Stance May Cost Him Oil Block

May 10, 2006
Posted to the web May 10, 2006
Samuel Famakinwa and Onyebuchi Ezigbo
Lagos/Abuja

South Atlantic Petroleum Limited, owned by former Minister of Defence, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, may lose its Oil Prospecting Licence 246 which the Federal Government has put among blocks that are up for bidding in the Mini Bid Round to be concluded May 19, 2006.

Although South Atlantic is already in court to contest the inclusion of the extant portion of the OPL 246 which the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) asserted was "mandatorily relinquished" by the company, THISDAY however gathered that the move may be as a result of Danjuma's stance on the third term issue.

Apart from Danjuma's strong opposition to the third term agenda, his wife, Senator Daisy Danjuma, has also not been supportive of the issue on the floor of the Senate.

Also the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Engr. Funsho Kupolokun has hinged the restoration of peace in the Niger Delta on the implementation of a sustained development initiative in the region by all stakeholders.

South Atlantic's counsel, C. A. Candide-Johnson (SAN), of Strachan Partners said "South Atlantic Petroleum Limited has not at any time relinquished its rights and interest in OPL 246".

"Consequently, it is necessary to give public notice to whomsoever it may concern that South Atlantic Petroleum Limited has instituted legal proceedings in the Federal High Court of Nigeria in Suit No. FHC/L/CS/361/2006 for the protection of its exclusive rights and interest in OPL 246.

"Among reliefs sought are declarations and injunctions to prohibit reassignment, sale, transfer or other such interference in the rights and interest of South Atlantic Petroleum Limited in and over OPL 246.

"Any person, company or body who has been invited to participate in the bid for OPL 246 during the 'Mini Bid Round' scheduled to take place during the month or who otherwise unlawfully interferes with OPL 246, is warned that they have due notice and will be acting at their own manifest risk", Candide-Johnson said.

The interest holders in OPL 246 are South Atlantic (60 per cent), Total Upstream Nigeria Limited (24 per cent) and Brasoil Oil Services Company Nigeria Limited (Petrobras) (16 per cent) and the license is to expire March 2008.

According to information, upon issuance of the second OML, the Federal Government of Nigeria exercised its "back-in-rights" whereby it acquired a fifty per cent interest from the sixty per cent owned by South Atlantic.

THISDAY gathered that neither the Petroleum Act and the Regulations nor the Deed, Letters of Allocation and Extension of OPL 246 contain any specific conditions pertaining to relinquishment of the remaining portions of OPL 246.

Candide-Johnson also noted that "when we voluntarily relinquished the Special Regime Area in favour of the Joint Development Zone, the allotee of the new block refused to pay the Signature Bonus until they received the relinquishment documents duly signed by OPL 246 interest holders".

He said "it is in the interest of Nigeria to maintain the sanctity of the Contracts (Deeds) it signs and not arbitrarily erode the value of investments".

Meanwhile, the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Engr. Funsho Kupolokun has hinged the restoration of peace in the Niger Delta on the implementation of sustained development initiative in the region by all stakeholders.

He said the new strategy, which has been put forward by the Federal Government would mean a transition from the era of doling out gifts to host communities as a means of quelling conflicts to a more pragmatic approach of working out measures that would guarantee sustainable community development.

Kupolokun explained that as part of government's efforts to attract more investment to the region, NNPC is embarking on a gas export initiative, which will lead to the use of facilities at the Calabar Jetty to supply gas to an LNG plant in Equatorial Guinea.

The GMD whose views were contained in a lecture entitled "Tourism and Oil and Gas in the Niger Delta" delivered at the Cross River State Economic Roundtable held in Calabar over the weekend, said the strategy lays more emphasis on greater consultation, needs analysis and local capacity building to ensure sustainable intervention to ameliorate the Niger Delta problem.

Kupolokun noted that the recent agreement between Nigeria and Equatorial Guinea for the supply of gas to that country's LNG plant will result in the movement of 1.2b scf/d of gas by 2008, through Cross River State, thereby making the area a hub of economic activities.

"This includes the partial movement of NNPC's operations to Cross River State because of the E&P activities that will arise, expected demand for logistics and air link between Calabar and Equatorial Guinea", he said.

The GMD said the fallout of the FG's development plan for the Niger Delta which is the building of the seven power plants in the region, will result in more gas utilisation and the transformation of the entire zone into a bee-hive of activities as far as gas is concerned.

The NNPC boss said apart from the business opportunities in the area of procurement, construction and other support services, entrepreneurs have the chance of establishing industries to process locally mined barite and bentonite ores and supply to oil companies in the country and the Gulf of Guinea.

On the downstream sector where business is expected to expand further when NNPC's mega and floating stations comes on stream in Calabar, Kupolokun called on investors in the state to take advantage of the opportunity derivable to engage in the production of petro-chemicals by-products such as polypropylene used for film packaging and bread wraps.

According to him, the corporation is willing to allow such business operators the use import reception facilities at the Calabar Port.

"NNPC will lease its thorough put to the business concerns for product importation and supply," he said adding that at the moment the Port facility is operated only by NNPC and Chevron.

Cross River State Governor, Mr. Donald Duke spoke glowingly of the efficacy of the deregulated downstream petroleum sector, which he said has succeeded in checking fuel scarcity in the country.

Duke said "putting an end to fuel queues is grand achievement which has to be attributed to the present regime."

At the event, the NNPC boss assured students from the state, especially graduates in the field of sciences and engineering of fair opportunity in participating in the operations of the oil industry.

He said the students of the state could avail themselves of the opportunity of gaining specialised training under the government's local content policy initiative, which is presently gulping N1bn annually to implement.

Also in furtherance of the cause of local content drive, Kupolokun said NNPC was ready to enter into joint venture with the Cross State government to set up a fabrication yard in the state.

[gerosil]

einfach mal so:

Nigeria: Öl-Manager erschossen

Ein Manager der Ölservicegesellschaft Baker Hughes ist im Niger-Delta ermordet worden. Wie die Nachrichtenagentur Reuters berichtete, wurde der amerikanische Mitarbeiter der Gesellschaft in seinem Wagen von einem Motorradfahrer erschossen. Ein weiteres Automobil hatte seinem Fahrzeug zuvor den Weg abgeschnitten. Baker Hughes gab daraufhin bekannt, einen Großteil seiner Mitarbeiter aus der nigerianischen Ölstadt Port Harcourt nach Lagos abzuziehen.Bisher sei nicht bekannt, ob das Attentat in Zusammenhang mit den jüngsten Anschlägen auf ausländische Ölfördereinrichtungen steht. Die dafür verantwortliche „Bewegung zur Befreiung des Niger-Deltas“ hatte zuletzt angekündigt, gezielte Anschläge auf ausländische Mitarbeiter der Ölindustrie auszuführen. Wegen der jüngsten Welle der Gewalt sind in Nigeria rund ein Fünftel der Ölförderkapazitäten zur Zeit außer Betrieb.An der NYSE geben Baker Hughes aktuell 0,82 Prozent auf 87,26 Dollar ab.

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OPL 252

... hohe Overground-Risiken (siehe z.B. Posting Nr. 39)
... hohes Finanzierungsrisiko (81 Mio. USD Signaturprämie und hohe Expl.Kosten)
... hohes Vertragsrisiko (Derock)
... hohes technisches Risiko (3000 m Wassertiefe)

Deswegen war ich froh, dass OPL 252 weg ist. Eine Scheitern dieses Projektes hätte Energulf in den Abgrund reißen können.

Anders sieht es aber mit einem starken und erfahrenen Partner aus, zumindest bei den letzten 3 Risiken.

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Nigeria has much to offer to investors: official


Nigeria has a lot to offer to would- be investors in the oil and gas sector, a high-ranking official said in Abuja Wednesday.

Anthony Chukwueke, director of the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), said Nigeria was willing to "partner with companies with the wherewithal to add value to the nation's oil and gas sector."

He said investment in the downstream sector remained the government 's priority and the government was desirous of developing the nation's downstream sector to the fullest.

According to him, Nigeria has put on offer 14 oil blocks and 15 companies have submitted their bids. "The results will be announced on May 19," he said, adding that "we are organizing this bid round for investors who are keen to develop our refining capacity, power generation and petrochemicals."

Chukwueke said, "it is necessary to grant incentive to investors who are prepared to support our country in infrastructure undertakings where many others have been reluctant. "

In the 2005 licensing round, he said, the Chinese and Korean oil companies were given the right of first refusal on some choice block after promising to invest heavily in the downstream sector.

He added that the on-going reforms in the oil sector gingered the open bidding process, pointing out that the government would no longer engage in discretionary awards of oil blocks. "We are by this event attempting to send a clear message to the oil industry and the world that Nigeria has turned the corner and that the management of the oil and gas sector can indeed be transparent," he said.

"The DPR is packaging the upstream and downstream sectors together with a view to achieving the government's aspiration to refine 50 percent of its crude by 2010," he said.


Nigeria is the largest oil producer in Africa or the sixth largest oil exporter in the world with a daily crude output of some 2.5 million barrels per day.

Source: Xinhua

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Kosten- und Gewinnverteilung im nigerianischen PSC. Eine Übersicht

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ExxonMobil meldt Uge offshore diepwatervondst Nigeria

( BW)(TX-EXXON-MOBIL-CORP)(XOM) ExxonMobil Announces Uge Deepwater
Discovery Offshore Nigeria

Business Editors/Energy Editors

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--May 16, 2006--Exxon Mobil
Corporation (NYSE:XOM) announced today that its subsidiary, Esso
Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso), has
drilled an oil discovery in Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214,
approximately 70 miles (113 kilometers) offshore Nigeria.
The Uge-1 discovery well was drilled in 4,144 feet (1,263 meters)
of water to a total depth of 16,831 feet (5,130 meters) and
encountered more than 300 net feet (100 meters) of oil. The Uge
structure is located approximately 90 miles (145 km) south-southeast
of the Erha deepwater development. Studies and data analyses are under
way to fully evaluate the discovery and development options for Uge.
Esso is the operator of OPL 214 with a 20 percent working
interest. Other working-interest owners are Chevron Nigeria Deepwater
B Limited at 20 percent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria)
Limited (a subsidiary of ConocoPhillips) at 20 percent, Oxy Nigeria
Exploration & Production Limited (a subsidiary of Occidental Petroleum
Corporation) at 20 percent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company at
15 percent, Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited at 5
percent and Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) is the
concessionaire. Uge-1 represents the first discovery on the license.
ExxonMobil is a leader in the discovery and development of
deepwater hydrocarbon resources in West Africa, where it has interests
in 17 blocks totaling more than 10 million gross acres. The company
has a leading position in nearly all the major exploration and
production areas in the world and the industry's strongest portfolio
of proprietary geoscience and engineering technology.

CAUTIONARY STATEMENT: Estimates, expectations, and business plans
in this release are forward-looking statements. Actual future results,
including resource recoveries, production rates, and project plans and
schedules, could differ materially due to changes in market conditions
affecting the oil and gas industry or long-term oil and gas price
levels; political or regulatory developments; reservoir performance;
timely completion of development projects; technical or operating
factors; and other factors discussed under the heading "Factors
Affecting Future Results" on our website (www.exxonmobil.com).

--30--LR/da*

CONTACT: ExxonMobil
Bob Davis, 713-656-4376

[Feuerblume]

Nach dem Flop auf OPL250 wurde Chevron in Nigeria doch noch fündig:

Chevron hits oil at new field off Nigeria
05.17.2006, 07:48 AM

LAGOS (AFX) - Chevron said it hit oil following a drilling programme at a new oilfield off Nigeria.

'Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited and its partners have drilled the first oil discovery in Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, approximately 70 miles offshore Nigeria,' a company statement said here.

'The Uge-1 discovery well was drilled in 4,144 feet of water to a total depth of 16,831 feet and encountered more than 300 net feet of oil,' it said.

Chevron is a major oil operator in Nigeria, accounting for around one-third of the country's daily exports of 2.5 mln barrels.

Since January attacks by separatist militants on rigs and pipelines in the Niger Delta swamps have cut production by 20 pct. Nigeria however hopes to boost output to 4 mln barrels in the next few years by developing new oilfields in the Gulf of Guinea.

[e-mail]

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.620.533 von Feuerblume am 17.05.06 13:10:17

Anmerkung: Chevron hatte diesen Vertrag im Mai 2002 an Land gezogen.

[Feuerblume]

!

Dieser Beitrag wurde vom System automatisch gesperrt. Bei Fragen wenden Sie sich bitte an [e-mail]

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.620.820 von Feuerblume am 17.05.06 13:26:41

INCNR ready for fight with Sapetro over awards

By Upstream staff

ONE Nigerian company poised to go head-to-head in the courts with fellow independent South Atlantic Petroleum (Sapetro) over acreage awards is Inc Natural Resources Nigeria (INCNR), writes Barry Morgan.
A legal battle seems inevitable as the Lagos-based Department of Petroleum Resources has gone ahead to reallocate the licence despite contested title to acreage.

In addition to claiming to have been awarded the relinquished portions of OPL 252 and OPL 217, the new exploration and production outfit has laid claim to OPL 246, which is still operated by Sapetro.

Based in Port Harcourt, INCNR has offices in Abuja and Lagos and has said it will "draw up a field development plan in a bid to see it hit first oil in under five years". INCNR added: "World-class technology and expertise will be sourced from leading E&P companies."

However, on its own admission, INCNR has yet to begin recruitment. Industry observers pointed out it was highly irregular for a company to publish a successful bid even before the Department of Petroleum Resources has set a date for announcing awards.

Critics question how the clandestine award of sensitive blocks to previously unknown "briefcase companies" in Nigeria\\'s soon-to-be-concluded mini-round reflects on the government\\'s commitment to transparency.

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10. Oil Blocs

One of the basis on which Nigerian leaders and Nigerians from the non-oil producing regions have laid their claim to the oil revenue is that oil is a national resource. Based on this view, they believe that the Federal Government should have total control in the management of petroleum resources. They add that national ownership is necessary in order to ensure that oil revenue is shared to the betterment of all Nigerians, irrespective of whether they are from the oil belt or not.

On the surface, this argument sounds excellent, however, in reality, it does not. The reason being that if oil is a national resource, why is it that oil shares (blocs) are given to highly connected individuals and not to the Nigerian people. Why are highly connected individuals given oil blocs (shares), regardless of their financial status and expertise in oil exploration? These Nigerians, like middle men, then sell their shares (blocs) to the international oil companies. By so doing, bloc owners earn millions of dollars while the Nigerian public ends up with nothing. The indigenes of the oil-producing region are shortchanged since those highly connected Nigerians with oil shares (blocs) only care about themselves and not the generality of the public. Quite often, bloc owners pay very little to the Nigerian state for acquiring the right to own oil shares. Similarly, they pay very little to register the companies which they use to gain oil blocs. Thus, Ret. Lt. Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, the former Defence Minister, who helped to establish Operation Hakuri 11 that resulted in the incremental militarization of the Niger Delta and the devastation of Opia, Ikenya, Odi and other Niger Delta communities, a friend of the anticorruption fighting President Obasanjo, recently sold his 10% shares in Akpo oil and gas field through the South Atlantic Oil Company (SAPETRO) to a Chinese oil company for $2.3 billion (Odunlami, January 23, 2006).

Other friends of President Obasanjo that have made millions of dollars from oil blocs include: Aliko Dangote, who owns the Dangote Energy Equity Resources (DEER), Chief Anthony Anenih, the chairman of the Board of Trustees of the People's Democratic Party (PDP), who owns a controlling share in A & Harmattan Ltd., Mike Adenuga, a telecommunications and oil marketing tycoon, Kema Chikwe who owns shares in Filtzim-Huzod Oil and Gas, Tonye Cole, son of the former special adviser to President Obasanjo, who owns interest in Sahara Energy, Adophus Wabara, the former Senate President, who has interest in Overt Oil, Emeka Ofor, who owns the Environmental Remediation Holding Corporation (ERHC), Osamede Okhmina (Ibid.). Many, if not most of the highly connected military generals who reigned during the regimes of Gen. Babangida, Abacha, and Abubakar have oil blocs and continue to earn money from oil while the indigenes of the region remain in abject poverty.

[Feuerblume]

KRIEG DEN HÜTTEN, FRIEDE DEN PIPELINES

Auch nach dem Übergang zur zivilitärischen Herrschaft bleiben die Probleme Nigerias ungelöst

Die fingierte Mordanklage gegen den Vorsitzenden der Journalistengewerkschaft in Lagos, Lanre Arogundade (Avanti berichtete), wurde fallengelassen. Das um seinen Ruf besorgte Regime hat angesichts der breiten internationalen Kampagne in diesem Fall zurückgesteckt. Doch der Staatsterror geht weiter, vor allem in den Ölfördergebieten des Niger-Deltas. Nachdem Angehörige einer Jugendmiliz am 9. September vier Soldaten getötet hatten, startete die Armee einen blutigen Rachefeldzug, dem mindestens hundert Menschen zum Opfer fielen. Insgesamt dürfte der Kleinkrieg in den Ölfördergebieten schon mehr als 5000 Menschenleben gefordert haben.
Der Fernsehregisseur Ken Saro-Wiwa hatte es 1995 verstanden, die Aufmerksamkeit der Weltöffentlichkeit für kurze Zeit auf das Treiben der Ölkonzerne und des nigerianischen Regimes zu lenken, die das Niger-Delta zu einem ökologischen Katastrophengebiet gemacht haben und Proteste mit brutaler Gewalt niederschlugen. In realistischer Einschätzung der zu erwartenden westlichen Reaktion ließ sich das damals von Sani Abacha geführte Militärregime durch die weltweiten Proteste nicht davon abhalten, Saro-Wiwa hinzurichten.

REGIONALE SPALTUNG

Von einigen symbolischen Sanktionen abgesehen, unternahmen die westlichen Staaten nichts, und die Konzerne machten weiter wie zuvor. In den folgenden Jahren bildeten sich jedoch ethnische Milizen, die auf ökonomischen statt auf internationalen Druck setzten. Durch die Besetzung und Zerstörung von Förderanlagen und Pipelines gelang es mehrfach, bis zu einem Drittel der Ölförderung lahmzulegen. Das Regime antwortete mit einer Mischung aus Zugeständnissen, Versprechungen und staatsterroristischen Kampagnen. Auch nachdem mit der Amtsübernahme Obansanjos am 29. Mai die Militärherrschaft endete, ist von einem Bemühen, die Lage durch eine Entmilitarisierung des Konflikts und zügige Reformen zu entschärfen, nichts zu bemerken.
Durch die Widerstandsbewegung der ethnischen Milizen ist die Deltaregion als vierte politische Region Nigerias hervorgetreten. Bislang wurde der Machtkampf im wesentlichen zwischen den Oligarchien der Haussa/Fulani (etwa 30% der Bevölkerung) im Norden und der Yoruba (20-25%) im Südwesten ausgetragen. Die dritte, politisch deutlich schwächere Region ist der von Igbo (17%) dominierte Südosten. Die traditionelle Dreiteilung geht noch auf die britische Kolonialmacht zurück, deren "indirekte Herrschaft" insbesondere die islamische Aristokratie der Haussa/Fulani bevorzugte, die es verstand, ihren Einfluß auch nach der Unabhängigkeit zu wahren. Das hat bis heute die Verbreitung moderner Parteien, sozialer Bewegungen und Gewerkschaften stark behindert. Im Südwesten, wo sich Handel und Industrie konzentrieren, sind moderne soziale Schichten stärker vertreten. Hier liegt das Zentrum der Demokratiebewegung.
Offiziere aus dem Norden dominieren in der Armee, während in der Bourgeoisie Yoruba überwiegen. Eine scharfe Trennung zwischen ziviler und militärischer Oligarchie gibt es jedoch nicht, und bei allen Differenzen findet man sich schnell zusammen, wenn es darum geht, die Forderungen ausgegrenzter Bevölkerungsgruppen zurückzuweisen. So war das Ende der Militärherrschaft denn auch eher ein New Deal zwischen den diversen Fraktionen der Oligarchie als ein Demokratisierungsprozeß.

EIN GENERAL GEHT, EIN GENERAL KOMMT

In den Jahren der Militärherrschaft waren Gier und Maßlosigkeit der Oligarchie immer mehr gewachsen, bis unter Abacha so viel Geld außer Landes gebracht wurde, daß nicht einmal genug für den Erhalt der Ölwirtschaft übrig blieb. Zusammen mit den Unruhen in den Fördergebieten und dem Verfall des Ölpreises führte dies zu einem drastischen Rückgang der Staatseinnahmen. Zudem brach Abacha die allgemeinen Geschäftsgrundlagen der Oligarchie, indem er zuviel für sich allein beanspruchte und mißliebige Generäle (unter anderem Obasanjo) einsperren ließ wie gewöhnliche Oppositionelle.
Angesichts dieser Gefährdung von Macht und Pfründen setzte sich in der Oligarchie ein "aufgeklärter" Flügel durch. Abacha starb im Juni 1998 unter ungeklärten Umständen. Sein Nachfolger Abdulsalam Abubakar kündigte den Übergang zur Zivilherrschaft an, bestand aber darauf, das Militär müsse die Regeln festlegen. Ein restriktives Wahlgesetz sorgte dafür, daß nur von der Oligarchie der größten ethnischen Gruppen geführte Parteien in den Parlamenten vertreten sind. Es gelang den Generälen auch, ihren Wunschkandidaten Obasanjo zum Präsidenten zu machen, einen ehemaligen General und Militärdiktator, der 1978 die Macht einer zivilen Regierung übergeben hatte. Dabei schreckte man vor massiven Wahlfälschungen nicht zurück, wahrscheinlich hätte Obasanjo aber auch so gewonnen.
Unter den politisierenden Generälen Nigerias ist Obasanjo zweifellos der fähigste, seine Politik bewegt sich jedoch im Rahmen des oligarchischen Herrschaftssystems. Er ist persönlich nicht korrupt, hat als "Realpolitiker" aber gar keine andere Wahl, als sich mit korrupten Generälen und Politikern zu verbünden. Seine wichtigsten Sponsoren sind Ex-Diktator Ibrahim Babangida und Ex-Generalstabschef T.Y. Danjuma; beide gelten als Milliardäre. Obasanjos Strategie besteht darin, sich von mehreren Fraktionen der Oligarchie finanzieren zu lassen, um eine einseitige Abhängigkeit zu vermeiden und seine Sponsoren gegeneinander ausspielen zu können.
Unter diesen Bedingungen sind Reformen enge Grenzen gesetzt. Ein Teil der repressiven Gesetzgebung wurde aufgehoben, die meisten politischen Gefangenen wurden entlassen. Die Zwangspensionierung von Offizieren betrifft jedoch, ebenso wie die Maßnahmen gegen die Korruption, fast ausschließlich Anhänger Abachas. Das neue Regime will sich gegen eventuelle Putschgelüste absichern, das Vermögen seiner Sponsoren dagegen wird Obasanjo nicht antasten. Im Gegenteil: Bei der anstehenden Privatisierung wichtiger Staatsbetriebe sollen einheimische Investoren den Vorzug erhalten - eine goldene Gelegenheit für die Oligarchie, ihr zusammengeraubtes Vermögen in dauerhafte ökonomische und politische Macht umzusetzen.

ETHNISIERUNG DER OPPOSITION

Zahlreiche Oppositionsgruppen hatten sich den Regieanweisungen des Militärs nicht fügen wollen und erklärt, vor den Wahlen müsse eine Verfassungsgebende Versammlung die politischen Strukturen reformieren. Gefordert wurde vor allem eine Dezentralisierung der Macht, um auch außerhalb der Oligarchie stehenden Gruppen politische Repräsentanz zu sichern, das herrschende System des Klientelismus zu durchbrechen und eine gerechtere Verteilung des gesellschaftlichen Reichtums zu ermöglichen. Bislang gibt es keine Anzeichen dafür, daß Obasanjo auf diese Forderungen eingehen wird.
Menschenrechtsorganisationen befürchten sogar, daß die Armee eine großangelegte Operation zur militärischen Zerschlagung der Widerstandsgruppen in der Deltaregion vorbereitet. Deren wichtigste Vertretung, der Ijaw Youth Council (IYC), ist jetzt jedoch mit der radikalen Yoruba-Organisation Oodua People's Congress (OPC) verbündet, die ebenfalls über paramilitärische Gruppen verfügt. Beide Organisationen werden von Jugendlichen und jungen Männern getragen, die vom Klientelsystem der Oligarchie ausgeschlossen sind.
Die traditionelle Gesellschaft mit ihrer Altershierarchie ist weitgehend zerfallen, ohne daß moderne Strukturen an ihre Stelle getreten wären. Bezeichnenderweise spricht heute ein Jugendrat für die Ijaw. Die Rebellion ist auch ein Kampf gegen die traditionellen Führungsschichten, denen Versagen und Korruption vorgeworfen werden. Neben modernen politischen Ideen finden sich in vielen ethnischen Oppositionsgruppen jedoch auch ethnischer Mystizismus und religiöser Obskurantismus. Nicht alle ethnischen Konfrontationen werden von interessierten Kreisen der Oligarchie provoziert, die Konflikte in der Deltaregion sind häufig Konkurrenzkämpfe ethnischer Milizen um die beste Ausgangsposition für Verhandlungen mit den Konzernen und dem Regime.
Die Angst vor einem Bürgerkrieg - bei der Niederschlagung des Sezessionsversuchs Biafras wurden Ende der 60er Jahre mehr als eine Million Menschen getötet - wirkt zugunsten des Regimes. Obasanjo kann sich mit einigem Erfolg als Vertreter der nationalen Einheit gegenüber dem ethnischen Egoismus darstellen. In dieser Situation kommt, neben den nichtethnisierten Parteien, vor allem den Gewerkschaften und Berufsverbänden besondere Bedeutung zu. Nur im gemeinsamen Kampf für soziale Interessen kann die Ethnisierung der Politik überwunden und die Herrschaft der Oligarchie gebrochen werden.
Um das Ende der Militärherrschaft nicht zu gefährden, haben sich die Gewerkschaften in den letzten Monaten zurückgehalten. Ein bereits angekündigter Generalstreik, mit dem eine Erhöhung des Mindestlohnes durchgesetzt werden sollte, wurde wieder abgesagt. Dennoch kam es immer wieder zu Streiks, Protesten und Aufständen, mit denen meist die Auszahlung ausstehender Löhne (die häufig von Vorgesetzten, Bürokraten oder Politikern unterschlagen werden) durchgesetzt werden sollte.

Ein ernst zu nehmendes wirtschaftspolitisches Konzept, auch ein kapitalistisches, hat das neue Regime nicht. Man folgt der üblichen Linie der "Strukturanpassung": Kürzung von Subventionen, "Verschlankung" des Staates, Privatisierung. Damit drohen Massenentlassungen und weitere Verelendung. Und schon Bob Marley wußte: "A hungry man is an angry man ."
Sinngemäß: "Ein Mensch, der hungert, entwickelt Wut."
Harry Tuttle

[Feuerblume]

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China kauft Ölfelder vor Nigeria

Chinas Außenminister reist durch Westafrika, um Rohstoffquellen zu erschließen. Das größte chinesische Ölgeschäft in Afrika konnte schon vor Abfahrt abgeschlossen werden - für 2,3 Milliarden Dollar erhielt China Rechte an der Tiefsee vor Nigeria

VON DOMINIC JOHNSON

Chinas Außenminister Li Zhaoxing ist gestern auf eine achttägige Reise durch Westafrika aufgebrochen. Ein Ziel: Er will interessante Rohstoffquellen für sein Land erschließen. Nigeria und Libyen stehen auf Lis Reiseplan, aber auch die Kapverden, Senegal, Mali und Liberia. Die Reise soll am 19. Januar zu Ende gehen.

Für Chinas rapide expandierende Volkswirtschaft ist Afrika die am schnellsten wachsende Quelle von Rohstoffen wie Öl, Mineralien und Tropenholz. Der chinesisch-afrikanische Handel nahm in den ersten zehn Monaten 2005 um rund 39 Prozent gegenüber dem gleichen Vorjahreszeitraum zu und erreichte ein Volumen von 32 Milliarden Dollar - dreimal so viel wie vor fünf Jahren. Chinesische Firmen sichern sich in Ländern wie Sudan, Kongo und Gabun langfristigen Zugang zu Ölfeldern und Bergbaukonzessionen und beteiligen sich am exportorientierten Ausbau afrikanischer Häfen, Straßen und Eisenbahnlinien.

Ökonomische und politische Interessen sind dabei nicht zu trennen. Der Experte Denis Tull hält in einer Studie der "Stiftung für Wissenschaft und Politik" fest, dass bei Chinas Afrikapolitik "wirtschaftlicher Erfolg und extensiver Außenhandel als Projektionsfläche politischer Machtansprüche auf internationaler Ebene dienen".

Um seine Rohstoffinteressen zu sichern, verlässt sich China immer öfter nicht nur auf Importe, sondern kauft auch Firmen im Ausland direkt auf. Letztes Jahr waren Chinesen noch in den USA mit dem Versuch gescheitert, die Ölfirma Unocal zu erwerben, und hatten sich auf Aufkäufe in Asien konzentriert. Jetzt wird auch Afrika zum Kaufziel: Zum Wochenanfang kaufte die Ölfirma CNOOC (China National Offshore Oil Company) für 2,3 Milliarden Dollar in bar 45 Prozent der nigerianischen Ölfirma South Atlantic Petrouleum, die Nigerias Exverteidigungsminister Theophilus Danjuma gehört. Sie hält die Rechte zur Entwicklung des Ölfeldes Akpo, eines der größten Tiefsee-Ölgebiete vor Nigerias Küste mit Reserven von 700 Millionen Barrel, wo ab 2008 die Förderung beginnen soll.

Nigeria ist derzeit Afrikas größter Ölproduzent mit 2,5 Millionen Barrel pro Tag. Bis Ende des Jahrzehnts soll die Fördermenge auf 3 Millionen steigen. Chinas wichtigster Öllieferant in Afrika ist Angola, das derzeit 1 Million Barrel pro Tag fördert und die Menge bis 2009 verdoppeln will. Internationale Ölinvestitionen von 12 Milliarden Dollar bis Ende des Jahrzehnts in Nigeria und von 30 Milliarden in Angola sollen diesen Ausbau ermöglichen. China wird der wichtigste Abnehmer dieses Öls sein - neben den USA, für die Afrika ebenfalls die am schnellsten wachsende Importquelle für Rohöl darstellt.

Für afrikanische Staaten ist Chinas Regierung eine attraktive Partnerin, weil sie anders als die westlicher Länder keine unangenehmen Fragen zu Demokratie, Menschenrechten oder ökonomischer Transparenz stellt. Autoritäre Regime wie Simbabwe und Sudan verdanken es Pekings Unterstützung, dass gegen sie keine UN-Sanktionen gelten. Großzügig vergibt China Milliardenkredite an die Ölländer: Letztes Jahr vergab es einen Kredit von 2 Milliarden Dollar an Angola zum Aufbau der Infrastruktur; jetzt versprach China Nigeria einen Kredit in gleicher Höhe, um das Eisenbahnnetz zu modernisieren.

Für die afrikanische Bevölkerung aber ist China kein angenehmer Partner. Chinesische Entwicklungsprojekte in Afrika sind berüchtigt für schlechte Arbeitsbedingungen, und auf afrikanischen Straßenmärkten sorgt die rasch wachsende Konkurrenz chinesischer Billigimporte - von Kleidern bis zu Medikamenten - für immer größeren Unmut.

taz vom 12.1.2006, S. 8, 122 Z. (TAZ-Bericht), DOMINIC JOHNSON

[chestino]

Herzlichen Dank für die vielfältigen Infos. Nur ist mir in bezug auf Energulf nicht so recht klar, ob sie vor Ort überhaupt noch aktiv und Ihre Bohrrechte wahrnehmen können, wenn sie sie denn noch haben? Welcher Bezug besteht zwischen Energulf + Exxon?

[Feuerblume]

#17238 von Feuerblume 17.05.06 17:04:07 Beitrag Nr.: 21.624.707
im Hauptthread

Wie ist schon einmal ausgeführt habe, besteht zwischen einer Explorationslizenz mit einer Option auf eine Förderlizenz und einer Förderlizenz in der Bewertung kein wirtschaftlicher Unterschied zur Förderlizenz, weil es in der ersten Variante ebenfalls allein in der Hand des Lizenznehmers liegt, ob er die Förderlizenz wahrnimmt oder nicht.

Zwar setzt der Wert einer Lizenz im allgemeinen einen Fund voraus. Das bedeudet allerdings nicht, dass eine Option auf eine Förderlizenz vor einem Fund wertlos ist. Es ist ähnlich wie bei Optionsschein oder sonstigen Optionen, für die auch ein Preis gezahlt wird, selbst wenn sie "aus dem Geld" sind. So gesehen hat allein schon der Namibia-Vertrag einen Wert generiert, auch wenn das derzeit im Aktienkurs noch nicht zu sehen ist.

Die derzeitige Marktkapitalisierung von Energulf angesichts der Dimension, um die es in Namibia geht, lächerlich gering. Spekulationen darüber, wie weit der Kurs abstürzen könnte, wenn Nigeria nicht zum Tragen kommt, halte ich daher für absurd.

Angesichts der Risiken von OPL252 (unklare Besitzverhältnisse, finanzielle und technische Risiken, Vertragsrisiken mit Derock, Overgroundrisiken) muss man eher froh sein, wenn dieser Vertrag zumindest in der angedachten Form nicht kommt.

[Feuerblume]

Text verunglückt, daher noch einmal:

Wie ist schon einmal ausgeführt habe, besteht zwischen einer Explorationslizenz mit einer Option auf eine Förderlizenz und einer Förderlizenz in der Bewertung kein wirtschaftlicher Unterschied, weil es in der ersten Variante ebenfalls allein in der Hand des Lizenznehmers liegt, ob er die Förderlizenz wahrnimmt oder nicht.

Zwar setzt der Wert einer Lizenz im allgemeinen einen Fund voraus. Das bedeutet allerdings nicht, dass eine Option auf eine Förderlizenz vor einem Fund wertlos ist. Es ist ähnlich wie bei Optionsschein oder sonstigen Optionen, für die auch ein Preis gezahlt wird, selbst wenn sie "aus dem Geld" sind. So gesehen hat allein schon der Namibia-Vertrag einen Wert generiert, auch wenn das derzeit im Aktienkurs noch nicht zu sehen ist.

Die derzeitige Marktkapitalisierung von Energulf ist angesichts der Dimension, um die es in Namibia geht, lächerlich gering. Spekulationen darüber, wie weit der Kurs abstürzen könnte, wenn Nigeria nicht zum Tragen kommt, halte ich daher für absurd.

Angesichts der Risiken von OPL252 (unklare Besitzverhältnisse, finanzielle und technische Risiken, Vertragsrisiken mit Derock, Overgroundrisiken) muss man eher froh sein, wenn dieser Vertrag zumindest in der angedachten Form, nicht zustande kommt.

[Feuerblume]

Nun meldet auch Exxon den Fund. Siehe Posting von Chevron

ExxonMobil announces Uge Deepwater Discovery Offshore Nigeria
by: OilOnline
Wednesday, May 17, 2006

Exxon Mobil Corporation has announced that its subsidiary, Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso), has drilled an oil discovery in Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, approximately 70 miles (113 kilometers) offshore Nigeria.

The Uge-1 discovery well was drilled in 4,144 feet (1,263 meters) of water to a total depth of 16,831 feet (5,130 meters) and encountered more than 300 net feet (100 meters) of oil. The Uge structure is located approximately 90 miles (145 km) south-southeast of the Erha deepwater development. Studies and data analyses are under way to fully evaluate the discovery and development options for Uge.

Esso is the operator of OPL 214 with a 20 percent working interest. Other working-interest owners are Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited at 20 percent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (a subsidiary of ConocoPhillips) at 20 percent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (a subsidiary of Occidental Petroleum Corporation) at 20 percent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company at 15 percent, Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited at 5 percent and Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) is the concessionaire. Uge-1 represents the first discovery on the license.

[chestino]

Danke für die Info, muß mich an die ups and downs im Explorersektor erst noch gewöhnen. Wünsche eine " Gute Nacht"!

[Feuerblume]

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat:


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[Feuerblume]

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat. Aber immerhin ist der Disclaimer bemerkenswert.


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[Feuerblume]

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat. Aber immerhin ist der Disclaimer bemerkenswert.


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[Feuerblume]

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat. Aber immerhin ist der Disclaimer bemerkenswert.


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[Feuerblume]

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat. Aber immerhin ist der Disclaimer bemerkenswert.


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[Feuerblume]

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat. Aber immerhin ist der Disclaimer bemerkenswert.


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[Feuerblume]

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat. Aber immerhin ist der Disclaimer bemerkenswert.


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[Feuerblume]

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat. Aber immerhin ist der Disclaimer bemerkenswert.


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[Feuerblume]

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat. Aber immerhin ist der Disclaimer bemerkenswert.


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.630.840 von chestino am 17.05.06 23:25:22

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat. Aber immerhin ist der Disclaimer bemerkenswert.


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[Feuerblume]

Hat zwar nichts mit Energulf zu tun, genauso wie das Öl nichts mit dem Bundeswehreinsatz im Kongo zu tun hat. Aber immerhin ist der Disclaimer bemerkenswert.


May 16, 2006 11:15 AM US Eastern Timezone
ExxonMobil gibt Entdeckung einer Tiefseelagerstätte vor der Küste Nigerias bekannt

IRVING, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--16. Mai 2006--Die Exxon Mobil Corporation (NYSE:XOM) gab heute bekannt, dass seine Tochtergesellschaft Esso Exploration and Production Nigeria Deepwater West, Ltd. (Esso) im Rahmen von Bohrungen bei Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 214, ca. 113 Kilometer vor der Küste Nigerias, auf Öl gestoßen sei.

Die Aufschlussbohrung der Lagerstätte 1 erfolgte in 1.263m Tiefe bis zu einer Gesamttiefe von 5.130m, und man stieß auf eine mehr als 100 Meter dicke Ölschicht. Die Lagerstätte befindet sich ca. 145 km süd-südöstlich des Erha Tiefseeentwicklungsvorhabens. Studien und Datenanalysen für die ganzheitliche Bewertung der Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten der Stätte sind in Arbeit.

Esso ist der Betreiber von OPL 214 mit einer 20-prozentigen Beteiligung. Bei den Inhabern der restlichen Beteiligungen handelt es sich um Chevron Nigeria Deepwater B Limited mit 20 Prozent, Phillips Deepwater Exploration (Nigeria) Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft von ConocoPhillips) mit 20 Prozent, Oxy Nigeria Exploration & Production Limited (eine Tochtergesellschaft der Occidental Petroleum Corporation) mit 20 Prozent, Nigerian Petroleum Development Company mit 15 Prozent und Sasol Exploration and Production Nigeria Limited mit 5 Prozent. Die Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) ist der Konzessionsinhaber. Die Lagerstätte 1 ist die erste Entdeckung hinsichtlich der Lizenz.

ExxonMobil ist ein führendes Unternehmen bei der Entdeckung und Entwicklung von Tiefseeressourcen in Westafrika, wo das Unternehmen Beteiligungen an 17 Abschnitten (Blocks) auf einer Fläche von mehr als 4 Millionen ha besitzt. Das Unternehmen hält eine führende Position bei nahezu allen wichtigen Erschließungs- und Fördergebieten weltweit und das stärkste Portfolio der Branche im Hinblick auf geowissenschaftliche Inhalte und Konstruktionstechniken (geschützt).

VORBEHALTSANMERKUNG: Diese Pressemitteilung enthält Schätzungen, Erwartungen und Geschäftspläne, die als zukunftsgerichtete Aussagen zu bewerten sind. Die tatsächlichen zukünftigen Ergebnisse insbesondere hinsichtlich der Erschließung von Vorkommen, Förderquoten und Projektplänen und -terminen können mitunter erheblich von diesen Aussagen abweichen; dies kann mit veränderten Marktbedingungen zusammenhängen, die sich auf die Öl- und Gasindustrie oder das langfristige Preisniveau für Öl und Gas auswirken. Weitere Einflussfaktoren sind Entwicklungen auf politischer und gesetzlicher Ebene, die Vorkommenspotenziale, die zeitgerechte Fertigstellung von Erschließungsprojekten, technische und betriebsrelevante Faktoren, sowie sonstige Faktoren, die auf unserer Website www.exxonmobil unter der Überschrift "Factors Affecting Future Results" beschrieben s

[mobilfunker67]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.624.803 von Feuerblume am 17.05.06 17:09:08

besteht zwischen einer Explorationslizenz mit einer Option auf eine Förderlizenz und einer Förderlizenz in der Bewertung kein wirtschaftlicher Unterschied.....
....Zwar setzt der Wert einer Lizenz im allgemeinen einen Fund voraus

Köstlich

Ich verkauf Dir auch eine Option, zahlst Du mir auf den Wert einer Lizenz?

Das kann sie unmöglich ernst gemeint haben

[colouredanthouse]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.649.863 von mobilfunker67 am 18.05.06 20:29:42

Hallo Mobilfunker67!

Da Deine verkürzte Version von Feuerblume´s Posting Sinn verzerrend wirkt, hier noch mal das Posting in voller Länge:

***********FEUERBLUME 17.05.06 17:09:08 Beitrag Nr.: 21.624.803 ********
"Wie ist schon einmal ausgeführt habe, besteht zwischen einer Explorationslizenz mit einer Option auf eine Förderlizenz und einer Förderlizenz in der Bewertung kein wirtschaftlicher Unterschied, weil es in der ersten Variante ebenfalls allein in der Hand des Lizenznehmers liegt, ob er die Förderlizenz wahrnimmt oder nicht.

Zwar setzt der Wert einer Lizenz im allgemeinen einen Fund voraus. Das bedeutet allerdings nicht, dass eine Option auf eine Förderlizenz vor einem Fund wertlos ist. Es ist ähnlich wie bei Optionsschein oder sonstigen Optionen, für die auch ein Preis gezahlt wird, selbst wenn sie "aus dem Geld" sind. So gesehen hat allein schon der Namibia-Vertrag einen Wert generiert, auch wenn das derzeit im Aktienkurs noch nicht zu sehen ist.

Die derzeitige Marktkapitalisierung von Energulf ist angesichts der Dimension, um die es in Namibia geht, lächerlich gering. Spekulationen darüber, wie weit der Kurs abstürzen könnte, wenn Nigeria nicht zum Tragen kommt, halte ich daher für absurd.

Angesichts der Risiken von OPL252 (unklare Besitzverhältnisse, finanzielle und technische Risiken, Vertragsrisiken mit Derock, Overgroundrisiken) muss man eher froh sein, wenn dieser Vertrag zumindest in der angedachten Form, nicht zustande kommt."
****************************************************************

Ich halte Dein für fehlplaziert!

Gruß,

CAH

[mobilfunker67]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.650.763 von colouredanthouse am 18.05.06 21:02:51

Hallo lieber CAH,

das ist sicher nicht fehlplaziert. Meiner Meinung nach versucht das Feuerblümchen durch Verzerrung der Realitäten dafür zu sorgen, daß jemand diese Aktie kauft.

Es ist wirklich absoluter Schwachsinn eine solche Option in den Aktienkursen sehen zu wollen.

Außerdem scheint ihr immer noch nicht klar zu sein, was ein OS aus dem Geld bedeutet, nämlich den Totalverlust, sollte nicht ein Ereignis in einer gewissen Frist eintreten, das Risiko liegt hier in der Regel bei über 65%. Genauso verhält es sich bei Energulf, wahrscheinlich werden alle Aktionäre einen Totalverlust erleiden.

Es ist absolut lächerlich eine Option auf einen möglichen Fund mit der Liznz auf einen vorhandenen Fund gleich zu stellen, das ist fahrlässig. Ich möchte sagen, wenn so etwas im Prospekt eines IPO stehen würde, dann wäre fett Prospekthaftung fällig.

Richtig müsste es heißen: Die Option, welche eher nicht eintritt als eintritt, ist solange wertlos, versucht Kosten und kann zum Scheitern des Unternehmens führen, solage nix gefunden wurde.

Alles andere ist Lemmingverarsche!

[Feuerblume]

FG Returns Danjuma’s Oil Block
Seeks $20bn from 17 blocks
By Samuel Famakinwa and Patricia Ubaka, 05.19.2006

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The controversial Oil Pros-pecting License (OPL) 246, the deepwater acr-eage belonging to indigenous firm South Atlantic Petroleum, has been withdrawn from the basket of oil blocks the Federal Gover-nment is offering today at the 2006 Mini Bid Round.
The Federal Government is putting on offer 17 oil blocks to bidders including Indian, Chinese and British companies in return for about $20 billion investment in refining and power projects.
Development projects, however, continued on block 246, as South Korea’s Hyundai Heavy Industries (HHI) has bagged a contract to supply offshore cables worth around $9 million (N1.15 billion) for the Floating Production Storage and Offloading (FPSO) vessel for the Akpo deep offshore field discovered in the block.
OPL 246 is currently under litigation after South Atlantic Petroleum, owned by former Minister of Defence, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, sued the Federal Government over the withdrawal of 50 percent of the total land area covered by the license.
The Director, Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), Mr. Tony Chukwueke, told THISDAY yesterday that OPL 246 would not be among the 16 oil blocks to be on offer at today’s mini bid conference taking place in Lagos.
"We have removed OPL 246 from the bid round until the court matter is resolved," said Chukwueke, adding, "We have a couple of blocks on the horizon to replace OPL 246."
OPL 246 was among eight other deepwater oil blocks on offer, where their original owners had relinquished 50 percent of the lease following their conversion to Oil Mining Lease. OPL 246 for instance, is now Oil Mining Lease (OML) after French firm Total, applied for its conversion to enable it begin production from the Akpo field.
South Atlantic, which was originally allocated the block before it invited Total as its technical partner, had through its counsel, C. A. Candide-Johnson (SAN), of Strachan Partners, challenged the government that the company had not at any time relinquished its rights and interest in OPL 246.
When the court case was first made known last week, it was believed the retrieval was due to Danjuma’s opposition to the now bitched third-term bid of President Olusegun Obasanjo.
However, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr. Edmund Daukoru, expressing government’s displeasure over the development, said that the Federal Government has just converted OPL 246 to an oil-mining lease, which implies that commercial quantity of crude oil has been discovered on the oil block.
According to him, the migration from OPL to an OML means that the oil company could begin the process of realising the economic value of the oil block by extracting the hydrocarbon underlay", he said.
Daukoru explained that the standard rule was for the government to exercise its back-in- rights by withdrawing 50 per cent of the area covered by an OPL whenever it is converted to an OML, "and that is what the government has done in this particular instance and has no political undertone or interpretation," he said.
Last month, China National Offshore Oil Corp paid $2.3 billion to acquire 45% equity stake in South Atlantic.
Other oil blocks up for auction and to be bidded for by 11 companies today are OPLs 209, 212, 211, 213, 216, 217, 218 and 220. Others are OPLs 233, 281, 471, 246, 252, 289, 222 and 219.
But the auction for the 17 oil drilling licensing areas in the basket, however, may not see much competitive bidding because the 10 qualified bidders have been given the right of first refusal over all the blocks, with a reserve price.
Most of the licences are in deep water zones where billions of barrels of discoveries have already been made as major oil companies were forced to relinquish many of them under the terms of earlier licensing rounds.
According to Chukwueke, the Federal Government had decided that only those who commit to build refineries in Nigeria or invest in power projects would be qualified for the Bid Round.
While government is reported to expect at least $500 million in bids to secure the licenses along with promised investments, it is also using the licensing to address civil unrest in the Niger Delta area.
Chukwueke told THISDAY last night that government has reserved one block for a Niger Delta group, Nile Delta United, owned by youths from Bayelsa and Delta states which will work with another local content company called Youths of the Delta.
The DPR director said this is in line with President Olusegun Obasanjo’s promise that the government was going to do something about the restiveness in the Niger Delta area hoping that the youths would reinvest any of their profits into local development.
"That is resource control. Remember Mr. President had promised to do something to address the restiveness in the Delta area”, Chukwueke said, obviously referring to the assignment of onshore block 233 to the Nile Delta United Oil Company.
He added that “it is targeted at youth emancipation. The state governments have a share but the controlling powers will be all these youths who create trouble, we are seeing if we can get them together. They will be asset owners and they have to bring in a reputable operator," he added.
However, an Indian consortium made up of ONGC and Mittal Steel will have first right of refusal over three blocks, including part of block 209 where ExxonMobil discovered the giant Erha field.
In return, Chukwueke said the consortium will commit to invest $6 billion in a new 180,000 barrel per day refinery, 2,000 megawatts of power and an east-west railway.
Global Steel, also of India, has rights over block 281 in return for commitments to build a $1.8 billion compressed natural gas plant.
State-run China National Petroleum Corporation has rights over four blocks in return for $2 billion investment in reconditioning the Kaduna refinery while Nigerian Agip Oil Company, a unit of Italy's ENI , has kept rights to block 211, which it originally won a decade ago, in return for commitments to invest $600 million in power.
ONGC Videsh has part of block 218, where Statoil has discovered both oil and gas, as compensation for its loss of a share in two highly prospective blocks it lost due to a dispute with Korea in a licensing round last year.
BG Group and Sahara Energy have rights over the relinquished section of block 213, where Chevron found part of the giant Bonga southwest oilfield, in return for $2.5 billion invested in gas gathering.
Taiwanese CPC has rights over part of block 219, where Shell discovered the Bolia oilfield, in return for a power plant.
Chukwueke, however added Federal Government was hoping to avoid a repeat of last year's licensing round, where many bidders failed to pay up, by demanding a 25 percent down payment.
Meanwhile, Canadian firm Nexans has signed a Letter of Intent with Hyundai Heavy Industries (HHI) to supply offshore cables worth around $9 million for the Floating Production Storage and Offloading (FPSO) vessel of Nigeria's deepwater Akpo field, 1,185 km of power and instrumentation cables.
Nexans will supply HHI with a total of 1,185 km of offshore cables (power and instrumentation) for the FPSO. The cables for this project will be produced in accordance with IEC (International Electrotechnical Commission) standard. They will meet stringent requirements for fire and flame resistance – providing circuit integrity for a minimum of three hours and able to withstand a flame test at 1,000°C. They will also be halogen free, low smoke and resistant to aliphatic hydrocarbons.
Nexans has previous experience of supplying offshore cables for major projects, such as Sakhalin II for Samsung Heavy Industries in 2003 (Russia) and the Greater Plutonio Project for HHI in 2004 (Angola) among other projects.
"Nexans' experience in this sector combined with outstanding technology were the vital factors that enabled us to win the Akpo project." said Michel Lemaire, Executive Vice President North America & Asia Area.
The offshore cables for the Akpo project will be manufactured at Nexans' Jincheon plant in Korea with delivery scheduled from August 2006.
The FPSO vessel of Nigeria's Akpo deepwater field Akpo, a gas and condensate (light crude) field operated by Total Upstream Nigeria Limited, is due to start flowing in late 2008 and should quickly build up to its plateau output of 225,000 barrels/day of oil equivalent.
The field, lying in water depths from 1,100 to 1,700 meters, will produce to an FPSO vessel with a storage capacity of two million barrels. The field, located around 200 km offshore from Port Harcourt, is located on the Oil Mining License (OML) 130.
Technip's engineering center in Paris (France) is responsible for the overall project management as well as the engineering phase. The FPSO's hull and topside construction and integration will be carried out by HHI, who will engineer and fabricate the various components and structures in Nigeria.
In a related development, major oil marketing companies have resumed importation of premium motor spirit (PMS) better known as petrol, as the firms position themselves to benefit from the Petroleum Support Fund (PSF) in which the Federal Government has made a provision of N150 billion to subsidy.
Companies which confirmed yesterday of having already imported fuel cargoes into the country were Mobil Oil Nigeria Plc and Conoil Plc.
Despite the deregulation of the downstream petroleum sector since 2003, which was intended to encourage more companies to engage in supply and distribution of petroleum products in the country, oil companies have shunned the business of fuel importation due to the rising cost of doing the business.
The Federal Government subsequently introduced the PSF early this year to encourage importation as well as keep domestic fuel prices in check.
Managing Director of Mobil Oil Plc, Mr. Olumide Onakoya, confirmed in Lagos yesterday that marketers had begun responding to the government’s initiative.
"I am pleased to tell you that we have brought in our first consignment of the fuel under the new subsidy fund issue," Onakoya told newsmen at the end of Mobil’s 2005 Annual General Meeting (AGM).
"We are working the details with the Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA)," he said, adding that the involvement of the oil companies in fuel importation was responsible for the improvement in fuel supply despite the hiccups that occurred between the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and the Nigerian Port Authority (NPA) last week.
PPPRA had said that the Fund would be domiciled in the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and will be available for companies and depot owners licensed by the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR).
Disbursement of the fund to marketers importing kerosene and petrol, would follow collation of product figures in all refineries, jetties and depots located in various parts of the country.
The Fund would be financed from two sources, namely the government (where the Federal Government contributed N75 billion and the states and local governments, N75 billion), and money that is accrued when fuel prices fell below what the PPPRA recommended.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.658.946 von mobilfunker67 am 19.05.06 08:54:21

Wieder mal, wie üblich, Unsinn.

Bsp.
Es ist absolut lächerlich eine Option auf einen möglichen Fund mit der Liznz auf einen vorhandenen Fund gleich zu stellen, das ist fahrlässig. Ich möchte sagen, wenn so etwas im Prospekt eines IPO stehen würde, dann wäre fett Prospekthaftung fällig.

Verglichen wurde eine Option auf einen MÖGLICHEN Fund mit einer Lizenz auf einen MÖGLICHEN Fund.

Bei beiden steht das entscheidende Ereignis also noch aus. Beim ersten Vertrag muss lediglich die Option noch (einseitig) ausgeübt werden beim zweiten wurde sie praktisch schon ausgeübt, indem der Vertrag schon vorher geschlossen wurde.

[Feuerblume]

#17625 von Feuerblume 19.05.06 19:29:34 Beitrag Nr.: 21.677.456
Folgende Antwort bezieht sich auf Beitrag Nr.: 21670028 von Santiagero am 19.05.06 14:59:37 Hauptthread

Santiagero, zu diesem Thema hatte ich schon früher Ausführungen gemacht. Der Unterschied ist der, dass bei einer Option der Optionspreis noch bezahlt werden muss und bei einer Förderizenz, ein solcher schon bezahlt ist. Daraus ergibt sich aber nur ein Einfluss bei der Abzinsung der Cashflow-Reih. Bei einer Förderlizenz steht ein negativer CF auf CF0 bei einer Option ein negativer CF auf CFn. Ansonsten ist der Zahlungsfluss der gleiche. Eine Option hat sogar Vorteile, weil sie bei einem trockenen Loch nicht ausgeübt wird und daher der negative CF nicht anfällt. Bei einer Förderlizenz ist der negative CF, wei er bereits geflossen ist, in diesem Fall verloren.

Und da der Gegenwartswert (NPV) eines Investments die Summe aller (abgezinsten) CFs ist, bringt die Variante mit der Option sogar einen höheren Wert, weil der spätere negative CF sich werterhöhend auswirkt.

[Feuerblume]

FG earns $292m from 2006 oil bid round
By Hector Igbikiowubo
Posted to the Web: Saturday, May 20, 2006



LAGOS — THE FEDERAL Government yesterday earned a princely $292,025,020million (about N37,963,252,600 billion) in signature bonuses from nine of the participants in the bid conference of the 2006 mini bid round for oil and gas blocks.
In a dramatic and bizarre twist, Transnational Corporation Plc., one of the participants at the bid round, posted successful bids for four oil and gas blocks but failed to demonstrate capacity at the close of the conference.

Unlike in the 2005 bid round where bids were posted and participants given 30 days to redeem their bids, participants were required to submit a bank draft for 25 per cent of the bids they post at the bid conference.

Besides, Transnational Corporation Plc, all other participating companies kept faith with the regulatory requirement and paid up their mandatory 25 per cent signature bonus at the bid conference.
Eleven companies participated in the 2006 mini bid round and ten of them emerged successful, clinching rights to carry out exploration and production of hydrocarbons in 14 of the 17 blocks put on offer.
Oil and Gas blocks on offer at the bidding conference included two blocks from the Chad Basin, two from the Niger Delta onshore, four from the Niger Delta Continental Shelf and ten from the deep offshore.

CNPC International Limited was the only company which posted bids for the blocks in the Chad basin onshore including OPL 721 and 732 where the minimum value attached by Government to the blocks was $500,000 each.

The company posted $510,000 for each of the blocks, submitted a bank draft valued at $127,500 for each of the blocks and were declared winners by the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR).
Similarly, Transnational Corporation Plc. posted a signature bonus of $30million for OPL 281, making it the only participant which put in a bid for OPL 281. However, the company could not post the mandatory 25 per cent signature bonus.

While speaking with Mr Tony Chukwueke, the DRP Director-General in his office after the conference, he disclosed Transnational was able to pay up the mandatory 25 per cent signature bonus ($7.5million) before the close of work yesterday, for the block. CNPC also posted a $5.010 million bid for OPL 298, submitted a bank draft to cover 25 per cent ($1,252,500 million) of the amount as signature bonus and were declared winners by the DPR.

Niger Delta United Company posted a signature bonus of $11 million for OPL 233, submitted a bank draft for $2.725 million and were consequently declared winners by the DPR because the bid was above the minimum reserve value of $10 million and there were no other offers.
Cleanwaters Consortium also posted a signature bonus of $10 million for OPL 289, matching the minimum reserve value of the block, submitted a bank draft to cover 25 per cent ($2.5 million) of the amount and were declared winners by the DPR because there were no other offers.
CNPC International also posted a $10.01 million offer for OPL 471, submitted a bank draft to cover the 25 per cent mandatory payment and were declared winners by the DPR since there were no other bids.

INC Natural Resources a company being promoted by the Jigawa State Government posted a signature bonus of $50.000.005 million for OPL 252 a deepwater block, the only bid received for the block.

The company also clinched the rights over OPL 292 after posting a signature bonus of $50.000.005 million and rather than put up the mandatory 25 per cent requirement, INC submitted a draft to cover $20 million as signature bonus.

Mr. Chukwueke, while speaking on the INC disclosed that the Federal Government was giving the company special consideration because of the Jigawa state government’s commitment to development of ethanol as alternative fuel.
Transnational posted a signature bonus of $75 million for OPL 279, Sahara Energy posted a signature bonus of $65 million and ONGC/Mittal bided $50 million.

[CaptainProton]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.711.075 von Feuerblume am 20.05.06 22:32:59

" ... INC Natural Resources a company being promoted by the Jigawa State Government posted a signature bonus of $50.000.005 million for OPL 252 a deepwater block, the only bid received for the block ... "

Bei den Zahlen komme ich nicht mehr mit, der Rest sollte klar sein. Gibsy könnte Ihre Kristallkugel mal putzen.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.711.668 von CaptainProton am 20.05.06 22:58:27

Dann muss ich dir mal auf die Sprünge helfen:

Die 4 Milliarden sind Landeswährung. Umgerechnet sind das 31 Mio. USD. Die Signaturprämie betrug 50 Mio. USD. Zusammen also 81 Mio. USD. Das ist genau der Betrag aus der BidRound 2005.

Die neue BidRound diente nur dazu, Derock auszuwechseln und Rechtssicherheit (unklare Eigentumsverhältnisse) zu schaffen.

[CaptainProton]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.713.090 von Feuerblume am 21.05.06 01:16:46

Ich dachte eigentlich, dass die Meldung durch die rot und fett markierten Wörter alle Unklarheiten beseitigt hätte:

" ... INC Natural Resources ... the only bid received ... "

Vorrausgesetzt die Meldung stimmt, sehe ich da keinen Platz für EnerGulf.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.713.123 von CaptainProton am 21.05.06 01:51:26

Wer mit einem deutschen Kopf afrikanische Vorgänge beurteilt, wird scheitern und das erst Recht wenn es zudem an einem analytischen Verstand ermangelt. Der Kurs wird schneller bei 10 Euro sein, als diese Haarspalter es wahr haben wollen.

CP, eine sog. Mini Bid Round heißt nicht "Mini", weil hier nur weniger Dinge versteigert werden, sondern sie heißt so, weil hier ein ganz anderes Verfahren zum Zuge kommt. Das ist keine Versteigerung, bei dem jeder auf jedes bieten kann. Will heißen: OPL252 stand (wie die Stücke der Chinesen auch) überhaupt nicht zur freien Verfügung. Dies erklärt auch die Äußerungen von Energulf, dass OPL252 nicht zur Versteigerung stehe. Und es erklärt auch, warum Energulf den Verlust des Blockes nicht meldete. Energulf war, sozusagen, "immer im Picture".

[CaptainProton]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.713.226 von Feuerblume am 21.05.06 06:57:08

" ... Der Kurs wird schneller bei 10 Euro sein, als ... "

Die hier "gehandelten" Millionenbeträge müssen erst einmal von EnerGulf beschafft werden. Sich da auf die Spendierfreudigkeit der "Big Player" zu berufen, halte ich für unseriös.
Auch die "großen Partner" der Projekte müssen Rechenschaft über ihre Ausgaben ablegen.
Sollte ein Projekt scheitern, ist auch das an EnerGulf geliehene Kapital weg, somit als Risikoverteilung ungeeignet.

EnerGulf bringt, außer dem aller Pennystocks vorstehendem weltklasse Management, keine Fähigkeiten mit die eines der Projekte entscheidend vorantreiben würden. Es geht auch ohne ENG. Das werden wird bei den ersten Finanzierungsproblemen sehen. Die Russen lassen sich bestimmt nicht so vertrösten, wie die Regierungen der Buschmänner.

[Feuerblume]

Manche Wells haben sogar doppelte Böden http://www.praguemonitor.com/ctk/?story_id=w31367i20060510;s…

[kojote1]

wenn ich mir mal den Chart wieder so ansehe,dann fällt mir auf, das wir genau auf den Aufwärtstrend der seit Mai 2005 herrscht aufgesessen sind, also auf die Trendlinie, es kann also nicht tiefer gehen, denn dann ist der Aufwärtstrend der seit einem Jahr besteht , gelinde gesagt da wo es recht finster ist, und deshalb werden wir noch einige Tage rumdümpeln auf diesem Niveau, aber ich denke die nächsten 14 Tage werden wir deutlich raufgehen

[CaptainProton]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.720.574 von kojote1 am 21.05.06 14:10:22

" ... es kann also nicht tiefer gehen ... "

Das haben schon Andere gedacht. In der Regel ist es bereits zu spät, wenn man diesen Gedanken hat.

[Juppes13]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.720.574 von kojote1 am 21.05.06 14:10:22

Ich denke mal, Du meinst den EKS.Frankfurt- Chart (?).
also wenn Du dortigen längerfristigen Aufwärtstrend meinen solltest, dann würde es leicht abweichend so aussehen :


]http://www.tradesignal.com/content.asp?p=wpa/tsb/default.asp&fcid=1535216[/URL]
[URLChart öffnen]http://www.tradesignal.com/content.asp?p=wpa/tsb/default.asp&fcid=1535216[/URL][/img]

[Juppes13]

]http://www.tradesignal.com/content.asp?p=wpa/tsb/default.asp&fcid=1535234[/URL]
[URLChart öffnen]http://www.tradesignal.com/content.asp?p=wpa/tsb/default.asp&fcid=1535234[/URL][/img]

[Feuerblume]

Nur mal so. Dies ist ein Thread für Informationen zum Energulf-Engagement in Nigeria. Für Chart-Esoterik gibt es andere Threads.

[Feuerblume]

Der Vollständigkeit halber:

Nigeria lures Asian investors with oil rights
2006-05-19 22:38


By Estelle Shirbon and Tom Ashby
LAGOS (Reuters) - Nigeria opened an auction for oil drilling rights on Friday hoping to attract billions of dollars into infrastructure development from mostly Asian investors in a public sale that raised questions about transparency.
The government offered a total of 17 blocks, mostly in deep water areas near huge oil discoveries, to 10 companies and gave them all first right of refusal over at least one area each in return for commitments to invest more than billion.
Chinese and Indian companies dominated the bidders' list, promising investments in oil refining, power generation and railways in the impoverished African oil giant.
But several unknown Nigerian companies were also set to receive major drilling rights and analysts questioned the transparency of the process, coming at a time of heightened political uncertainty with landmark elections due next year.
"In the same way that President Olusegun Obasanjo had a long hard look at the deals made at the tail end of the previous military administration, there is every reason to think that a new government next year would look at these if there is any controversy assoc
iated with this process," said Anthony Goldman, an independent risk analyst.
Many of the blocks offered on Friday were unused portions of earlier licenses which were relinquished by major oil companies, some of which have seen billion-barrel oil finds.
RESULTS
The first few results showed state-run China National Petroleum Corp walking away with four licences for a total of million in signature bonuses. The Chinese government has committed to investing billion in Nigeria's 110,000 barrels per day (bpd) refinery in the northern state of Kaduna.
India's ONGC exercised its right of first refusal over a hotly contested block 209, near where ExxonMobil found the giant Erha oilfield, and matched a bid of million. ONGC in consortium with Mittal Steel has agreed to spend billion on building a new 180,000-bpd refinery, 2,000 megawatts of power generation, and a railway running East-West across Nigeria.
The government is also using this licensing to address civil unrest in the Niger Delta by reserving one block for a collection of "youth groups" -- a local term for militants -- who would reinvest any of their profits into local development.
"That is resource control," said Tony Chukwueke, head of Department of Petroleum Resources, referring to the demand by militants for greater local control over the Niger Delta's oil wealth.
Onshore block 233 was sold for million to a new company called Niger Delta United Oil Co, which authorities said was controlled by youth groups in Bayelsa and Delta states.
Militant attacks on the oil industry in Delta state have cut Nigerian oil output by a quarter.
Another in-house deal was the award of block 289 to Clearwater, a company owned by the southern state of Rivers, in return for commitments to spend .5 billion on power generation in Rivers and Bayelsa states.
A joint-venture of Nigeria's Jigawa state government and an unnamed Canadian investor secured block 252, based on a promise to invest billion in an ethanol project from a 300-hectare sugar plantation.
The government has said it hopes to avoid a repeat of last year's licensing round, where many bidders failed to pay up, by demanding a 25 percent down payment.
However, not all companies had made the payment in time for the bidding, which caused some confusion.

[Feuerblume]

Intrigues over Danjuma’s Oil Block
By Patricia Ubaka, 05.22.2006

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South Atlantic Petroleum Limited owned by former Defense Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, has clarified the controversy surrounding its Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 246 saying the deepwater acreage has not been returned to it but only removed from the basket of oil blocks at the Mini Bid Round which held Friday.
The company said the withdrawal of the block from the bidding exercise was in accordance with the order given by Justice Abdullahi Mustapha of the Federal High Court, Lagos on May 9, 2006 in suit number FHC/L/CS/361/2006.
The court had granted the company leave to apply for judicial review in respect of the decision of the Federal Government to expropriate and auction South Atlantic’s rights, interest and legitimate expectation in OPL 246.
According to the company, on May 16, 2006, three days to the Mini Bid Round, adjournments in the matter was granted on the application of the Minister of Petroleum and upon his express undertaking to withdraw the block from the bidding round.
In the suit under reference the indigenous oil company had sought some reliefs including a declaration that by virtue of Petroleum Act 1968 and all subsidiary legislation thereunder including Oil Prospecting Licences (Conversion to Oil Mining Leases, etc) Regula-tions 2004, its rights and interest in OPL 246 remain extant for its express tenure (until March 2008) notwithstanding the grant of Oil Mining Lease (OML) 130 out of the area of OPL 246.
South Atlantic also sought a declaration that the decision of the Minister in two letters in March 2006 asserting the “mandatory” relinquishment or forfeiture of OPL 246 without its consent is “perverse, arbitrary, capricious irrational and unreasonable, a unilateral and unlawful confiscation of the rights and interest granted to the applicant under OPL 246, is wrongful and exceeds the power granted to the Minister of Petroleum Resources” under existing legislations.
Among others, the company also sought an order of injunction restraining the “Respondent by himself, his agent, privies, delegates or howsoever otherwise from doing any acts or omitting to do any acts in a manner that is inconsistent with the Applicant’s right and/or legitimate expectation to a grant of an additional Oil Mining Lease from the remaining area of OPL 246”.
The company claims that it was on the basis of this court order that OPL 246 was withdrawn from the Bid Round but according to information, the government may have offered the block, in a preferential manner, to certain interests which are now waiting for the outcome of the case.
The Federal Government had Friday withdrawn OPL 246 from the oil blocks offered to bidders including Indian, Chinese and British companies in return for about $20 billion investment in refining and power projects.
"We have removed OPL 246 from the bid round until the court matter is resolved," DPR director, Tony Chukwueke told THISDAY last week.
OPL 246 was among eight other deepwater oil blocks on offer, where their original owners had relinquished 50 percent of the lease following their conversion to Oil Mining Lease. OPL 246 for instance, is now Oil Mining Lease (OML) after French firm Total, applied for its conversion to enable it begin production from the Akpo field.
South Atlantic, which was originally allocated the block before it invited Total as its technical partner, and had through its counsel, C. A. Candide-Johnson (SAN), of Strachan Partners, challenged the government that the company had not at any time relinquished its rights and interest in OPL 246.
When the court case was first made known, it was believed the retrieval was due to Danjuma’s opposition to the now botched third-term bid of President Olusegun Obasanjo.
However, the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr. Edmund Daukoru, expressing government’s displeasure over the development, said that the Federal Government has just converted OPL 246 to an oil-mining lease, which implies that commercial quantity of crude oil has been discovered on the oil block.

[Feuerblume]

#18030 von Feuerblume 23.05.06 09:24:07 Beitrag Nr.: 21.750.951 im Hauptthread (hier nur der Vollständigkeit halber um spätere Wiederholungen zu vermeiden)


Wenn OPL252 für Energulf verloren ist, dann hat das mit "Schmach" oder Unvermögen zunächst einmal nichts zu tun.

Zum einen ist es so, dass man nicht "Sachen" um jeden Preis kaufen sollte (ich persönlich weine dem Nigeria-Projekt in der Derock-Konstellation keine Träne nach) und zum anderen muss man im Hinterkopf behalten, wie Geschäfte im Allgemeinen in Nigeria ablaufen. Wer da nicht (schwarzer) "Bruder" oder (schwarze) Schwester ist, hat schon von vornherein schlechte Karten. Gut möglich, dass Energulf überhaupt nicht im Bilde war, was da hinter den Kulissen ablief und sich nur einbildete, dass sie nicht "out of the picture" sind.

Meines Erachtens ist die Sachlage relativ schnell aufzuklären. Ein Blick ins Handelsregister würde genügen. Denn m.E. handelt es sich bei INCNR um eine Neugründung speziell für diesen Zweck.

Wichtiger als die Ansammlung möglichst vieler Projekte, die sich möglicherweise gegenseitig behindern und zunächst einmal die Lasten ihrer Finanzierung auslösen, ist ein Portfolio an Projekten, das auf der Zeitschiene zusammen passt und mit den vorhanden Ressourcen auch fristgerecht und hoffentlich erfolgreich bewältig werden kann.

Nigeria beinhaltete hohe Vertragsrisiken (Derock), hohe Finanzierungsrisiken (81 Mio. USD), hohe technische Risiken (3000 m Wassertiefe) und hohe Overground-Risiken (kritische Lage in Nigeria) und war von der reinen Risikolage her das schlechteste aller Projekte auch wenn die Chancen sehr hoch waren. Es wäre also durchaus geeignet gewesen, diesen Jung-Explorer ins Trubeln zu bringen.

Selbst wenn Energulf noch drin sein sollte, mit einem Partner wie INCNR, bei dem möglicherweise eine Art von Derock drin steckt, sehe ich dieses Projekt mit sehr gemischten Gefühlen.

[chestino]

Am 21.05. sahst Du den Kurs in absehbarer Zeit noch bei € 10,-, oder sollte ich das missverstanden haben. In einem anderen Thread legst Du die Entwicklungsgeschichte der Energulf Inc dar, die nach den ganen Schließungen und Neugründungen auch nicht sehr vielversprechend klang. Wo siehst Du denn noch eine längerfristige Perspektive und damit eine Erholung des Kursverfalls für diesen Explorer?

[Feuerblume]

Kein Präsident auf Lebenszeit für Nigeria

Parlament stimmt gegen Verfassungsänderung, die Nigerias Präsident Olusegun Obasanjo die Kandidatur für eine dritte Amtszeit bei den Wahlen 2007 ermöglicht hätte. Das Volk war dagegen, der Streit hatte die Krise des Landes vertieft

AUS LAGOS HAKEEM JIMO

In Nigerias Parlament spielen sich zuweilen denkwürdige Szenen ab. Einmal wurden in einem großen Haufen Geldbündel aufgeschüttet, mit denen die Vertreter des nigerianischen Volks angeblich bestochen werden sollten. Hin und wieder prügeln sich die Parlamentarier. Aber am Dienstagabend lag sich eine Mehrheit der Senatorinnen und Senatoren überschwänglich in den Armen. Soeben hatten sie das Aus für eine Verfassungsänderung beschlossen, die Nigerias Präsident Olusegun Obasanjo ermöglicht hätte, entgegen den bisherigen Verfassungsbestimmungen nächstes Jahr für eine dritte gewählte Amtszeit zu kandidieren. Der Freudentaumel übersprang alle ethnischen Herkünfte und auch das Staatsfernsehen NTA konnte seine Sympathie für die Gegner des Präsidenten nicht verbergen. Die Abendnachrichten brachten eine endlose Schlange der Jubelnden. "Wie immer gibt es einen Gewinner und einen Verlierer", sagte Senator Mark David: "Der Gewinner heute heißt Demokratie."

Und der Verlierer? "Präsident Obasanjo" würde eine Mehrheit der NigerianerInnen antworten. In einer Umfrage der Lagoser Tageszeitung Sun lehnen über 70 Prozent der Bevölkerung eine dritte Amtszeit für den Staatschef ab. Die Art, wie das Projekt Verfassungsänderung in den vergangenen Monaten lanciert wurde, hat das konfliktreiche Nigeria weiter gespalten und an den Rand einer weiteren politischen Krise gebracht.

Bei "Anti-Third-Term"-Protesten, wie die Bewegung gegen die Amtsverlängerung genannt wird, gab es sogar Tote. Zwar hat der Präsident nach wie vor nicht ein einziges Mal öffentlich seine Absicht erklärt, ein dritte Amtszeit zu erwirken. Aber auch so sorgte das Treiben seiner Anhänger dafür, dass seine Sympathiewerte, die er vor allem international genoss, absackten.

1979 hatte Obasanjo als erster Militärmachthaber Nigerias freiwillig die Regierungsgewalt an einen gewählten Zivilisten abgegeben; unter den neuen Militärdiktaturen der 90er-Jahre war er zeitweise inhaftiert, und bei Nigerias Rückkehr zur Demokratie 1999 genoss er hohes Ansehen und wurde als Zivilpräsident gewählt. Aber in den vergangenen Monaten musste der Ende-sechzig-Jährige sich des Öfteren Kritik anhören, dass er ähnlich an der Macht klebe wie so viele afrikanische Staatschefs: zuletzt Yoweri Museveni in Uganda oder Idris Déby im Tschad, die die Verfassungen ihrer Länder änderten, damit sie länger als zwei gewählte Amtszeiten regieren dürfen. Ein nigerianischer Abgeordneter wetterte: "Wenn Obasanjo eine Verfassungsänderung durchbekommt und eine dritte Amtszeit erhält, haben wir einen Präsidenten auf Lebenszeit."

Das politische Klima in Nigeria hatte sich in den vergangenen Monaten deutlich verschlechtert. Sei es die Pogromstimmung zwischen Muslimen und Christen, seien es die bürgerkriegsähnlichen Zustände in der Erdölregion des Niger-Flussdeltas - alle Konflikte wurden auch mit dem Streit um die dritte Amtszeit in Verbindung gebracht.

Berichte von Bestechungsversuchen an Parlamentariern machten die Runde. Mehrere Abgeordnete berichteten, ihnen wurden umgerechnet mehr als 300.000 Euro angeboten, würden sie für eine Änderung der Verfassung stimmen. Es gab Berichte von Einschüchterung und politischem Kuhhandel.

Befürworter einer Amtsverlängerung führten ins Feld, dass die Fortsetzung der umfangreichen und international gewürdigten Reformen Obasanjos, wie der Kampf gegen Korruption, von seinem Verbleib abhängig sei. Auch sehen viele kaum einen anderen Politiker in Nigeria, der in dem gespaltenen Land eine wirkliche Integrationskraft besitzt. Tatsächlich bringen sich schon wieder die alten Kader aus den Zeiten der Militärherrschaft in Stellung - Exgeneräle, die weiter mit ihrem gestohlenen Vermögen die Politik beeinflussen. Allen voran Ibrahim Babangida, der Nigeria 1985-93 regierte und nächstes Jahr gerne zu Wahlen antreten würde.

Nur die wenigsten rechnen damit, dass es mit dem Abwürgen der Verfassungsänderung mit einem Schlag wieder ruhig in der politischen Landschaft Nigerias wird. Denn das Rennen um die Präsidentschaft Anfang 2007 ist nun offen. Ohne Obasanjo könnte nun eine echte, spannende Wahl stattfinden.

taz vom 18.5.2006, S. 10, 141 Z. (TAZ-Bericht), HAKEEM JIMO

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.753.240 von chestino am 23.05.06 11:27:34

Welche Schließungen und Neugründungen?

Du den Ursachen des Kursverfalles und Perspektiven habe ich in diesem und anderen Threads, insbesondere auch im Hauptthread, Stellung genommen.

[Feuerblume]

Ein ganz wichtiges Dokument:

Of Obasanjos Anti-Corruption And The Third Term Hunger: The Saminu Turaki Perspective
By
Lawal A. T.
[e-mail]


Some two years ago the amiable Jigawa state governor made what he believed to be a deft political move by paying a visit to Yola with his speaker, a few members of the national assembly and the ANPP state hierarchy. The reason for the visit was to pay homage to Atiku Abubakar the V,P and pledge allegiance to what Saminu believed was the political movement of the moment( and the future) according to the normally acceptable political power flow of the no2 stepping into the shoes of the no1.

Following the visit, a grand political gala was organized in Jigawa and all state party chieftains were briefed of the new development and the wisdom of lining up behind the imminent successor this early in the game. A sharp division arose within the ANPP hierarchy, which saw some notable figures disassociating themselves from the decampment process and pledging allegiance to the ANPP. Surprised at this development and the ever growing number of the ANPP camp, Saminu tightened the screws by suspending the dissidents and creating a new party exco comprising largely illiterate and indolent die hard loyalists whose only principle was tied to material gain.

About the same time the EFCC swooped on Jigawa and arrested Saminus Chief of Staff with another warrant for his younger brother Bashir, and his Suleja born but now Singapore based 2nd wife. The charges were the over invoicing of a supply contract to the NSPMC during the Abacha days through which Saminu and Atiku Bagudu using the corporate name EPCEL Nigeria Ltd had siphoned off millions of dollars. The sum of $12 million had been traced to EPCELS offshore account in jersey that was frozen at the instance of the federal govt. Bagudu had relinquished interest in the funds but Saminu refused alleging a witch hunt for his pitching camp with the VP. He was summoned to the villa several times to sign off on a letter relinquishing interest in the money but he played for time.

He later buckled under the sustained pressure and signed a letter giving up the money following which his ally was released and the EFCC backed off. Other petitions forwarded in part by Faruk Adamu, a member of the house of reps. included the over inflation and award of road contracts to two newly registered companies, Wildcat construction and Arkel Engineering totaling over N20 billion, and the use of local govt. funds running into billions to buy up sesame and export to japan. A company called Muramasa Resources was registered in Japan with Samira Turaki saminus 2nd and favorite wife and one Mr Naruse as directors and signatories. The local operations were handled by Saminus school friend Bashir Bello, son of the late CJ who gave up his job at the NMA to join in the largesse. To date not a single kobo or yen has been repatriated from the export of thousands of tons of sesame. These were all forwarded to the EFCC with a dazzling array of detail and supporting evidence running from payment vouchers to actual cheques and bank records.

What is also interesting is that refund to the FGN of the stolen $12 million in question was held up for several months due to legal and bureaucratic hurdles put in place by Saminu’s UK lawyers. Speculation is that given his new portfolio within the OBJ’s kitchen cabinet, the lucky Governor has been allowed to keep this ill gotten wealth with a view to channeling some of it to the cause. It’s amazing how things can come full circle within a few months. One wonders where Nuhu Ribadus EFCC stands in the light of all these moral summersaults.

For his trouble Faruk Adamu, the only one bold enough to confront Saminu with his litany of thievery and misgovernance is currently facing a recall for which the usually selective INEC has chosen to expedite the process.

A smart survivor by half, Saminu quickly moved to distance himself from the VP and pitched his camp in the presidency. The next few months saw the appearance of almost all the Obasanjo children in Jigawa, landing one plum supply contract after another. The Governor told all who cared to listen that the grossly over inflated road construction contracts and ridiculously expensive sugar project had to be padded to cater for interests in the villa, so the critics could go to hell. The sugar plant at Hadejia, a 1500 ton Chinese plant originally costing $2 million suddenly shot up to N16 billion, with Wallong Camco, run by his brother Bashir, and also handing the N5.7 Billion dutse dualisation project getting the job.

Following the demise of Waziri Mohammed the official treasurer of the 3rd term project, Saminu quickly stepped in and moved to Abuja where in the course of the next few months he wormed his way into the inner circle of the tenure extension architects with his generous availment of Jigawa state funds to oil the wheels of the 3rd term train. It is estimated that close to 750 million was moved from the states account with GTB PLC to Abuja to buy off national assembly members and provide logistics for the project. This money saw to the emergence of the Unity Group in the house of reps which later fizzled out.

Baba in the villa was alerted of Saminu’s contributions to the agenda and the usually no nonsense president did not bother to question the source of the stupendous sums being thrown about this time around. For his efforts Saminu was rewarded with the award of 3 juicy off shore oil blocks and a crude lifting contract of 60,000 barrels per day. A company INC Natural resources incorporated less than 2 weeks to the NNPC bidding round was used to pick up the blocs. This company’s directors include Seun Obasanjo under the pseudonym “oluwa seun”. The MD and principal promoter was again Bashir Turaki, Saminus brother who was visibly present on National tv at the mini round in DPR HQ Lagos, and who signed off on behalf of the company.
The award of the blocs was tied to a dubious Ethanol production project in Jigawa State which is being promoted by no other than Saminu himself through EPCEL Nig. Limited, the same company that Obasanjo had 2 years earlier asked to refund $12 million of Nigerian government money.

With the cash from the crude sales flowing Saminu has since relocated to Burkina Faso where the regional headquarters of INC Natural resources is located and from there he has been traveling to Mexico, China, and the Far East by corporate private jet, looking for partners for his 3 oil blocs. He occasionally jets into Abuja to check on the progress of the 3rd term drive and then he is off again with nary a glance in the direction of the state where he is supposed to governor. Since November 2005 the longest the Governor has been in his state is the 48 hours he played host to the President between 24th and 25th of May this year, where the president showered encomiums on the ethanol project against the backdrop of a huge signboard announcing EPCEL Ltd as the contractors.

So much for transparency and the no holds barred anti corruption fight of the Obasanjo administration. Villains of yesterday are the heroes of today, and as many a Governor has learnt, one must learn to speak from both sides of his mouth to survive these very interesting times. Interestingly the Wily Governor has been using resources to keep his name off the headlines, while his less generous brothers like Makarfi in Kaduna and sheriff in Borno are taken to the cleaners by a selective press.

It seems the more you see the less you understand, as the poor people of Jigawa wallow in abject poverty, their resources have all been put at the disposal of the Obasanjo life presidency.

God help us all.

Lawal A. T

[Feuerblume]

Dass der Präsident des Landes unter einem Decknamen auch Präsident von INCNR ist, wie der Artikel schreibt, und dass INCNR vermutlich mit Derock identisch ist (gleiche Adresse) lässt natürlich tief blicken. Beweist aber noch nicht, dass hier korrupt gehandelt wurde. Schließlich können auch Präsidenten unternehmerisch tätig werden. Entscheid ist, welchen Preis für die OPLs gezahlt wurden und wo der Kaufpreis her kam.

Egal wie. Zum Vorgang passt auch dieser Artikel:

Nigeria: Needed: EFCC's Assurance






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This Day (Lagos)
EDITORIAL
May 22, 2006
Posted to the web May 23, 2006
Lagos

Unlike previous tales of corrupt monetary inducement in the National Assembly, the one associated with the presidential tenure elongation is so riveting that even without proof, it tends to call into question the credibility of the government's anti-corruption campaign. Worse still, it portrays those pushing the tenure elongation plan as criminally desperate.

To go by press reports, in their bid to push through the tenure extension gambit, its promoters, believed to be acting on behalf of the government, offered all members of the Senate willing to vote for the proposal N50 million. In the same vein, members of the House of Representative ready to cast their lot with the bill reportedly got a bribe of N40 million while members of the state assemblies were said to have been getting offers of not less than N10 million each to support the tenure extension bid.

Authenticating these allegations may not be easy in a society where monetary inducement has become an entrenched culture. Both the givers and takers often see the practice as nothing outrageous.Yet there is a disturbing ring to the entire allegation.

As is now known, the promoters of the third term bid seemed to have gone about it with an uncommon desperation. Almost anything and everything was said to be on offer. By several accounts, legislators were wooed with oil blocks, choice parcels of land in the nation's capital, trade concessions and all manner of corrupt enrichment devices just so that they could support the gambit. Those who refused to be influenced were, on the contrary, said to have been punished by stripping them of benefits that they previously enjoyed. In a few instances, the government was said to have revoked oil licences or project contracts already awarded.

When reports of these acts of corruption began to get into the media, government did not outrightly deny them. Instead, those who made the allegation declared their readiness to provide evidence. We are aware, for instance, that at least two members of the National Assembly have declared their willingness to co-operate with the relevant investiging agency in getting to the root of the allegation.

With or without proof these are damaging allegations, more so given the desperation with which the government went about trying to get the constitution amendment bill passed. There is something untidy about it all. Which makes many Nigerians to be inclined to believe the bribe rumours. Even those who initially took them with a pinch of salt are beginning to have a second thought. For them, there is no smoke without fire. And this is a very destructive kind of fire.

Given how capable this kind of rumour is of undermining the credibility of government's well-conceived anti-corruption campaign and the image of the country, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) would do well to get to the root of the allegations. Unlike in the past, when similar allegations were treated lightly, this one deserves thorough investigations.

Relevant Links
West Africa
Crime and Corruption
Nigeria
Nigerians who have proof of monetary inducement to lawmakers during the debate on the defeated bill should volunteer them to the EFCC and ICPC. The Commission, in turn, must ensure that those giving such information are protected from victimisation.

All told, government will be demonstrating its commitment to the eradication of corruption by encouraging a proper investigation of the bribe allegations associated with the third term campaign.

And if at the end of the day, there is nothing to corroborate the allegations, the anti-corruption agencies need to say so to re-assure Nigerians once more that the war against corruption has not been lost after all.

[Feuerblume]

Obasanjo Can Still Redeem His Image
By
Sam Nda-Isaiah
[e-mail]

After the ignominy of the defeat of his self-perpetuation bid last week, which was designed only to massage his large ego, President Olusegun Obasanjo, not quite out of character, simply looked us all in the eye with a straight face and declared that he never told anyone he wanted "third term". Nigerians were shocked at the audacity of their president but I don't think they should. They should in fact accept the lies with thanks. We have managed to live through seven years of compulsive lying from the president anyway, so one more lie isn't going to kill us. It takes some courage and mettle to engage in the kind of lying to oneself that we see with the Nigerian president almost on a daily basis, but that is his nature; and we should stop thinking we can change a man that is well over 70.

The third term project was going to fail anyway whether the National Assembly passed it or not. It was just that it was cheaper to kill and bury it at the stage of the NASS because if it ever got beyond the portals of NASS, the struggle would have left the pages of newspapers into the trenches. And at that stage, just like it happened in 1966, people could start openly calling for a military coup. If that spectre could be avoided, the better for all of us. And if it would take the president an extra lie to help save the deaths of thousands, we should accept it and pretend that we believe the man.

But for the purpose of the records, President Obasanjo did indeed canvass a third term. He shared N50 million bribes to legislators in order to obtain their consent and imprimatur for the self-perpetuation scheme. It is just that many of the legislators he attempted to corrupt had more integrity than him. Since journalism remains the first rough draft of history, we shall record it, that, yes Obasanjo attempted to self-perpetuate himself in power and that, yes, he bribed senators to procure their consent. Beyond that, I am sure many Nigerians would be ready to forgive the president as long as he doesn't attempt to pull another rabbit out of a hat.

As it stands today, Obasanjo's public image is that of a failed president who came into power to a surfeit of goodwill, which he frittered away because he saw power as an opportunity to get even with old foes. Obasanjo is viewed today as a very incompetent leader who has no answer to Nigeria's myriad of problems. Power outage is worse than he met it in 1999, and after spending more than N1 trillion, all Nigerians got was a change of name from NEPA to PHCN and a promise from the minister of power and steel not to expect steady power supply till sometime in 2056, when those born tomorrow will be 50 years old. He is also the president who could not revive Nigeria's prostrate refineries and was so mean and cold blooded as to increase the pump price of petrol seven times - from N20.00 per litre in 1999 to more than N70 today. The president will also be remembered for his contributions towards the phenomenal growth of corruption in Nigeria. When Obasanjo became president in 1999, Nigeria was about the 27th in the Transparency International's corruption perception index. A few years into Obasanjo's regime, Nigeria became number two. Yet, another study in 2002 showed that more than 50% of the corruption in the country was perpetuated at the presidency. And there was ample evidence on ground to corroborate this.

In 2002, after Mr. Vincent Azie, the acting auditor general of the federation said Obasanjo's men stole N23 billion from the public till in 2001 alone, the president swiftly removed him. And now a few days ago, the Due Process Office reported that the cost of constructing Obasanjo's Abuja National Stadium was inflated by N7 billion as if we didn't know that already. Before then, we knew that even though Obasanjo's government said that the stadium was at the end constructed for about N100 billion, the World Bank declared that the stadium could not have been built for more than N19 billion. In between, we have billions of naira of the excess crude proceeds, which can still not be accounted for; the Presidential Library fund raising nepotism; the impunity with which the president associates with Transcorp, as a promoter even and the serial misappropriation of budgets. He will also be remembered as the president who forged an electoral law and one who conducted the most scandalous elections in the annals of the nation simply to remain in power against the peoples' will. And to all these, he added the roguery of bribing senators in order to illegally elongate his already illegal tenure. Obasanjo could go into history as the lowliest of Nigerian presidents. The legacy he leaves behind could haunt anyone unfortunate enough to have an Obasanjo surname.

But the president can still change all that. At least there are still 371 days left from today and this is a long time in the tenure of a serious president. General Murtala Mohammed didn't need this number of days to etch his name permanently in the nation's golden books. But to do that, Obasanjo will have to re-invent himself. In other words, he has to renew. He will need something of a character transplant. He must, like Gen. Murtala did in 1975 give up things he cannot account for, and for him, these are several. For starters, the president must stop lying through his teeth. All the lies about his "overwhelmingly" winning the 2003 elections only makes him look ludicrous. The president must give Nigerians some credit for basic intelligence. The president thinks he can just concoct some things in his head, believe it and then it becomes true. He also would have to stop associating with some funny characters around him. Today, Obasanjo's soul mates are Chris Uba, Tony Anenih, Ojo Maduekwe, Festus Odimegwu, Bode George, Ibrahim Mantu, Lamidi Adedibu and Co. One hardly sees any decent person around the old man these days. If the president enjoys the company of these people so much, then he must be like them. And no one would want a president in the mould of these people.

He must also repudiate "Transcorp" and forfeit all the shares (about six million shares) that have allegedly been allotted to him for which he must have made billions of naira when the shares moved from N1.00 per share to N6.00 per share during the company's private placement. The Initial Public Offer (IPO) is expected to be offered at a whopping N10.00 per share. Which means that by the time the IPO is concluded, the president would have made a killing of N9.00 x 600,000,000 shares. Since my calculator does not have the capacity to record all the zeros, I will leave the final figures to your imagination.

It is also an extraordinary act of corruption to hand over Hilton Hotel, Abuja, to a company partly owned by the president; especially since the sale transaction was not too straight. It is even more egregious to contemplate handing over NITEL and the nation's oil blocs to such an organisation. Even Abacha whom the president loves to demonise even in death was not as shameless in corruption as this. Obasanjo must also return the Presidential Library to the state after May 29, 2007. That would be in sync with the norm the world over. He must not allow fair weather friends like Mr. Carl Masters (who declared on the day of the fundraising that Obasanjo would never return the library to the government) to decide his destiny. By 6pm of May 29, 2007, he will look around and find he is alone. Carl Masters and his ilk would be looking for their next victim.

And if the president wants to change his image and outlook permanently and be seen as a statesman once again, then he must prepare to conduct a respectable election in 2007, and not the type of rubbish he supervised in 2003. He can start this by asking Ahmadu Ali to subject himself to a proper election within the party. Candidates for elections must be seen to have emerged the same fair way he (Obasanjo) emerged as a presidential candidate in Jos in 1998. If he does that, then Nigerians will start taking him seriously again.

If Obasanjo can for a change begin to see power as an opportunity to better the lives of the people and not a facility to bring down people as he currently does, he will start looking good again. But if he persists in doing things like closing down Intels Ltd, belonging to the vice president, simply because he wanted to financially emasculate an opponent, prevent elections to hold in his party according to the party constitution because he wants to disenfranchise competitors or as is being speculated, witch hunt his third term opponents and especially punish the North for going against his third term scheme, then he must know that he is heading for a flop. Actually that mindset will inexorably lead to his terminal and inexorable downfall.

But the good news for the president is that it doesn't have to be so.

[Feuerblume]

Bribery and Corruption with Impunity
By
Sam Nda-Isiaah
[e-mail]
 
Last week, the much expected rain started to fall in the chambers of the Senate. And, to borrow Senator Sarki Tafida’s inimitable parlance of bribe takers, this rain did not fall on every household in the Senate. The massive bribery that started last Thursday through Friday – and will doubtless continue this week – has not been seen in the history of corruption in Nigeria. If Transparency International (TI) with which the Nigerian president is associated is not taking note, then it is not worth its global name. President Obasanjo has turned Nigeria into a laughing stock among nations. He has elevated sleaze to a new level. No one expected someone who calls himself a leader to be associated with that level of crookedness. It is a disgrace.
We have a megalomaniac president who has lied to the whole world that his regime is doing its best to curtail corruption, while at home he is sharing bribes, as much as N50 million to every senator, in order to further commit the crime of elongating his most inept and rotten regime. And, as has now become public knowledge, this is only part payment of the total bribe sum of N100 million per senator. Obasanjo is doing this at a time pensioners have not been paid for several months and children die daily for lack of essential medicines in government hospitals. These days, the Obasanjo presidency does not even bother to conduct its stealing business behind closed doors. The president disdains Nigerians so much that he thinks he can commit any crime, even dance naked in the market square in the afternoon, and nothing untoward would come to him. What now remains for the president and his boys to do is start collecting receipts from those they give bribes. I have not heard of this level of lawless leadership
Last week, the whole world knew bribes of N50 million were being offered senators at the Wuse Zone 4 branch of First Inland Bank Plc. Everybody in Abuja knew. Schoolboys and taxi drivers discussed it openly.
This is the time that the EFCC, the ICPC and the SSS should show their mettle. I am not so naïve as to suggest that they arrest the bribe givers. Or even the bribe takers. For now, they are beyond arrest. They are armed robbers still in operation and you do not arrest an armed robber when he is still pointing a gun at your temple. The time to arrest the thieves will come very soon and they shall be paraded before Nigerians and the international community like common thieves. The EFCC, ICPC and SSS must work ahead, so that when the free fall starts they will not be lumped together with the crooks.
The source of this bribe money is clear. It certainly did not come from Corporate Nigeria. Ndidi Okereke-Onyiuke has been hustling to be rewarded by the president for all the not-too-straight electoral deals she did for him in 2003. She is only an opportunist that is jostling to be noticed. She does not have the capacity to generate that kind of money. It also could not have been from the proceeds of the sales of Heinekens and Gulder beer in Nigeria. Nigerians are not such gifted drunkards. Besides, Festus Odimegwu would have been long sacked and jailed by his more serious Dutch partners if he attempted that. Aliko Dangote is too much of a darn good investor to not see a bad investment. He might have invested heavily in Obasanjo in the 2003 elections. He won’t take that silly chance with third term. Dangote could not have given his money. The money came directly from the public till, that is, public funds that would have been used to better the lives of Nigerians. More people would have had better potable water and more lives would have been saved if some of it had been deployed to purchase drugs for our hospitals and even repair Nigeria’s obsolescent refineries. Instead, the funds are being used to bribe legislators to extend the tenure of a president who, we are told, has done so well that we risk collapse as a nation if we let him go. Nigerians are bemused, stupefied and outraged at the conduct of a crass leader who many wish would end up worse than Nebuchadnezzar.
I hear one of the strategies to cover their tracks would be to say that even the anti-third term senators collected their own share of the bribes in foreign currencies. But that only shows that they are short of new ideas. Nigerians shall identify the bribe takers by the way they vote on the third term issue and they will take note for future action.
Wherever General Sani Abacha is today, he must be having a good laugh at Obasanjo. And at all of us, too. Obasanjo coined the term “Abacha loot”. Nigerians have already coined their own favourite term, “the Obasanjo loot”. Compared with Obasanjo, Abacha is already looking like a candidate for sainthood. At least Abacha didn’t deceive himself and never bribed anyone to extend his stay in office. He vacated office via a cardiac coup. Nigerians are praying that Obasanjo does not get that lucky. They want him to remain alive for a very long time to come, even though he has made up his mind to die in office.
The crime that the third termers have been committing since Thursday is manifold. Apart from stealing money from the Nigerian people, they are also guilty of a grave economic malfeasance. By their act, the CBN will have to deploy all its arsenal to start managing inflation in Abuja. The little gains the apex bank has recorded in strengthening the naira against other currencies in the past few days would come to nought by the time the president is done with the NASS members. The president’s men are also guilty of suborning the National Assembly and of interfering with the sacrosanct process of law-making. These are all very serious charges.
Since Obasanjo came to power in 1999, he has destroyed everything on his path. The democracy that was handed over to him on a platter of gold by General Abdulsalami Abubakar (rtd) has been destroyed. In its place, we now have the dictatorship of one man that is worse than any military dictatorship Nigeria has ever known. He and his boys have destroyed the judiciary and now he is trying hard to do same with the National Assembly. Electric power supply is worse than he met it. Our refineries still don’t work and security of life and property is akin to a civil war situation.
And, in terms of corruption, Obasanjo has not fared badly either. The list is long: serial misappropriation of budgets, Presidential Library Project, forgery of Electoral Law, Abuja Stadium Complex, Vincent Azie’s report, misappropriation of excess crude proceeds, Transcorp, election 2003, NNPC, NNPC, and NNPC. By now, even the president’s ardent admirers must admit that Abacha has ceded place as the most corrupt leader this country has ever had.
It is dangerous to continue to have Obasanjo at the helm of the nation’s affairs. The current mindless orgy of bribery and corruption going on should frighten all of us. He is now the greatest security risk that this nation currently faces. This president must be persuaded to leave power on schedule and, if persuasion fails, he must be helped out!

 

[Feuerblume]

FG: Danjuma's Oil Block Has Ceased to Exist
By Chika Amanze-Nwachuku - 05.24.2006

The Federal Governmnent (FG) has maintained that the Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 246 granted to South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPETRO), an indigenous firm owned by former Defense Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, has ceased to exist.
The government is contending that where an OPL continues until converted into OML, the OPL must cease to exist once the Minister decides not to grant a second or additional OML in respect of an area subject to a previous OPL.
In an affidavit filed at the Federal High Court, Lagos, deposed to by one Dr. Henry Olufemi Oke, an Assistant Director in the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), the Federal Government declared that the Minister was right in his letters dated March 1 and 21 conveying its decision not to grant SAPETRO a second oil mining lease, noting that the company's application was based upon the false premise that it is entitled to a second.
The government stated that the main purpose for making the OPL (Conversion to Oil Mining Lease OML, etc) Regulations 2004 (the "2004 Regs") was to make it clear that the holder of an OPL, which is eligible for conversion into an OML is entitled to only one OML, subject to fulfilling the relevant conditions prescribed by the Minister.
The government further contended that where exploration results in the discovery of commercial quantities of oil, an OPL would normally mature into an OML and that an OML and OPL cannot coexist in the same acreage at the same time.
"Once an OML is granted, the residue of OPL automatically reverts to the FG in whom ownership of all the nation's petroleum resources is vested", the deponent said.
The government further argued that where an OPL continues until converted into OML, the OPL must cease to exist once the Minister decides not to grant a second or addition OML in respect of an area subject to a previous OPL, adding that the decision of the minister cannot be questioned by SAPETRO.
In further claims, the Federal Government said SAPETRO, since June 2004, has been aware from the letters received from the DPR that its (FG) position was and remains that upon the conversion of its OPL 246 into OML 130, the unconverted area of the OPL reverted automatically to the FG.
"Given this unbroken chain of communication, the government's position that the residue of what was previously OPL 246 had ceased to and had reverted to the Government was always made clear. Whilst it is fair to note that SAPETRO had equally asserted that it had continuing rights to the residue of what was OPL 246, that assertion could not possibly have given it any reasonable or legitimate expectation that it would receive an additional OML when it has no such entitlement.
"Gen. Danjuma is wrong to refer to the continuation of the residue of OPL 246 and to the paralysis of its exploration which the minister's refusal to grant an additional OML to SAPETRO would cause. As regards exploration, by applying for an additional OML, SAPETRO was in effect asserting that its exploration had been concluded and had resulted in the discovery of commercial quantities of crude oil.
“Moreover, the residue has reverted to the government and therefore there is no continuing right to explore. As regards exploration, it has a right to exploit OML 130. It has no continuing right to explore or exploit what was previously OPL 246.
"The OPL 246 put up for bidding is not the same OPL 246 which was previously granted to SAPETRO. The original OPL 246 , which was for 1000sq miles, ceased to exist once the DPR conveyed the minister's decision to convert 500sq miles of that OPL into OML 130 in 2005. The new OPL 246 is for 500sq miles only. SAPETRO was never granted an OPL 246 for 500 sq miles", government insists in the affidavit, while praying the court to set aside the order staying all acts in connection with the OPL 246 and dismiss SAPETRO's application for an interlocutory injunction.
Meanwhile, the presiding judge, Justice Abdullahi Mustapha will today commence hearing in an application brought by the Federal Government, seeking to set aside an order of the court which put on hold, all actions in connection with the OPL 246 issued to South Atlantic.
Justice Mustapha, had on May 9, made an order by exparte, granting leave to Danjuma to apply to the court for Judicial Review in respect of the decision of the FG, via the Minister of Petroleum Resources (Respondent in the matter) to expropriate and auction South Atlantic's rights , interest and legitimate expectation in OPL 246 to third parties.
The judge in the said ruling of May 9, ordered that "the grant of leave shall operate as a stay of all actions connected with or relating to the OPL 246 and that the auction of the said OPL 246 scheduled for May 19 (last Friday) or any other date is hereby stayed pending the hearing and determination of the application for Judicial Review".
But the substantive motion, which had been fixed for hearing on May 16, was suspended following an undertaking by the FG to withdraw OPL 246 from the Mini Bid Round which took place last Friday.
Professor Fidelis Odita, SAN (QC) who is lead counsel for the FG, had made the undertaking on behalf of the FG at the proceeding of May 16. The application was however not opposed by Mr. C. A Candide-Johnson, SAN, who represents Danjuma in the matter.
Following the withdrawal of the OPL 246 from the oil blocks offered to bidders which included Indian Chinese and British companies, the court will today commence hearing in the said application by the FG, praying the court to set aside the order on stay, made by Justice Mustapha on May 9.
Danjuma, had in the suit, prayed the court to among others; declare that by virtue of Petroleum Act 1968 and all subsidiary legislation thereunder including OPL (Conversion to Oil Mining, Leases, etc) Regulations 2004, its rights and interest in OPL 246 remained extant for its express tenure (until March 2008) notwithstanding the grant of OML 130 out of the area of OPL 246.
South Atlantic also sought a declaration that the decision of the Minister in two letters in March 2006 asserting the "mandatory" relinquishment or forfeiture of OPL 246 without its consent is "perverse, arbitrary, capricious irrational and unreasonable, a unilateral and unlawful confiscation of the rights and interest granted to the applicant under OPL 246, is wrongful and exceeds the power granted to the Minister of Petroleum Resources" under existing legislation.
The company also sought an order of injunction restraining the "respondent by himself, his agent, privies, delegates or howsoever otherwise from doing any acts or omiting to do any acts in a manner that is inconsistent with the Applicant's right and/or legitimate expectation to a grant of an additional OML from the remaining area of OPL 246".

[Feuerblume]

Oil Block: Court Hears FG’s Motion Against Danjuma Today
24th May

By Maxwell Oditta ,Senior Correspondent, Lagos
A Federal High Court sitting in Lagos and presided by Justice Abdullahi Mustapha would on Wednesday hear the application filed by the Minister for Petroleum Resources in the person of President Olusegun Obasanjo, urging the court to set aside Paragraph Three of the order of the court made in favour of South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPETRO), on May 9.

Former Defence Minister, retired Lt-General Theophilus Danjuma, owns SAPETRO. The company alleged that it has long suspected that the Federal Government through the Director of Petroleum Resources desire to terminate its interest in the residue of Oil Prospecting Licence 246 in order to free that acreage for bidding in impending licensing rounds, since its application for an additional Oil Mining Lease (OML) was not approved by the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr. Edmund Daukoru.

As if to forestall the impending licensing, the presiding judge mandated parties to halt further actions in the matter, as expressed in the paragraph in contention, which reads:

" That the grant of this leave shall operate as a stay of all actions connected with or relating to the oil prospecting Licence 246 (OPL 246) and that the auction of the said oil prospecting Licence 246 (OPL 246) scheduled for the 19th of May, 2006 or any other date is hereby stayed pending the hearing and determination of the Application for Judicial Review."

Although SAPETRO has alleged that FG’s refusal to convert OPL 246 to an additional OML after the grant of OML 130, despite the OML conversion fees of US$529billion, ultimately resulted in confiscation without due process and paralysis of the exploration and exploitation of OPL 246.

But the FG, through its counsel, Professor Fidelis Oditah, a Queens Counsel and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, has denied that the oil bloc allotted to SAPETRO is the one put up for fresh leasing.

"The OPL put up for bidding is not the same OPL 246 which was previously granted to SAPETRO. The original OPL 246, which was for 1000sq miles, ceased to exist once the DPR conveyed the Minister’s decision to convert 500sq miles of that OPL and OML 130 in 2005. The new OPL 246 is for 500sq miles only. SAPETRO was never granted an OPL 246 for 500sq miles. In accordance with international petroleum industry practice, the residue OPL 246 has retained its identification number ‘246’ largely for reasons of convenience because of the petroleum information and data association with that number.

[Feuerblume]

Für die Experten - und Rechner.

Hier noch ein paar Hintergrundinformationen über den berühmten Deal zwischen Sapetro und cnoocc bezgl. OML130 inkl. Wertberechnungen

http://www.cnoocltd.com/press/images/1430480445.pdf

[Feuerblume]

Danjuma Faults Govt's Claim on OPL 246
By Chika Amanze-Nwachuku, 05.25.2006

South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPETRO), yesterday told a Federal High Court, Lagos, that the Federal Government never imposed any condition when it granted it (SAPETRO) the Oil Mining Lease 130 (OML 130) in 2005.
The company, an indigenous firm owned by former Defence Minister, General Theophilus Danjuma also insisted that when the Minister for Petroleum Resources granted the OML 130, he did not say anything about relinquishing the balance in the Oil Prospecting
Licence (OPL 246), which was granted it under a Deed dated April 15, 1999.
At the resumed hearing of an application for Judicial Review over the decision of the Federal Government to auction the OPL 246, counsel for SAPETRO, Mr Charles Candide - Johnson SAN, told the presiding Judge, Justice Abdullahi Mustapha that although the Deed was for a duration of five years, from February 23, 1998, it was never disputed that the OPL 246 has been extended to a further five years, upon its expiration in 2003.
He said the power to extend the duration of an OPL was contained in the Deep Off shore and Inland Basin Production Sharing Contract Decree 1999.
Giving an insight into the matter, the counsel submitted that the OPL 246 is valid until March 2008, but that on February 21, 2005, the Petroleum Minister granted an OML 130 to his client (SAPETRO) out of the OPL 246.
He said Section 2 of the Petroleum Act, 1969, empowers the Minister to grant three types of interest in oil acreage ; Oil Exploration Licence (OEL), OPL, and OML.
He stated that Section 2 (a) of the Act prescribed the manner in which the Minister shall deal with such interest. Sections 5, 6 and 7 of schedule one of the Act, he said, deal with OPL, while sections 8 – 13 deal with OML, noting that by section 8 of the schedule one, the OML can only be granted to a holder of an OPL.
Candide - Johnson said in 2005, when the 1st term of the OPL 246 expired, the Minister recognised SAPETRO's OPL 246 extancy (continued existence), when it granted it an OML 130 for another period of 10 years.
He said, the tenure of an OML as provided for in the Petroleum Act cannot exceed 20 years, but that Section 12 of the Act provides that after 10 years of the grant of an OML, one half of the area of the OML, shall be relinquished by the holder (SAPETRO), even as he pointed out that it was only in Section 12 of the Act that the mandatory relinquishment was provided.
"No condition was imposed on the grant of the OML 130. When the Minister granted OML 130, he did not say anything about relinquishing the balance in OPL 246.
Citing the Petroleum Drilling and Production Regulations, the counsel submitted that the law also provided for the dimension and specifications of these licences.
"My understanding of the regulation, which was made by the same Minister is that a single OPL more than one OML. In sub section 2 (4) of the regulation, the Minister provides that where there is provision for relinquishment, certain procedures shallapply.
"My understanding of this is that there are cases where there are no relinquishment. This is consistent to my earlier submission that there is only one place in the Petroleum Act, where mandatory relinquishment was provided (that is Section 12 of Schedule one to the Act).

[JR66]

pretty long, but it gives you a good inpression of the oil business in Nigeria


http://www.framtiden.no/filer/R200601_Statoil_Nigeria.pdf

[Feuerblume]

Die TOP 10 der nigerianischen Korruptionsfälle

http://www.nigeriavillagesquare1.com/Articles/mobolaji_aluko…

[Feuerblume]

anjuma's oil firm suit 'll destabilize oil sector, FG tells court
By Innocent Anaba
Posted to the Web: Friday, May 26, 2006

LAGOS—THE Federal Government yesterday told a Federal High Court sitting in Lagos, that the suit by South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPETRO), an indigenous oil firm owned by former Defence Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, over the relinquished portion of its Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 246, is capable of disrupting the entire petroleum and gas section of the country, if the prayers sought by the company is granted.

Government in a second affidavit, deposed to by one Dr Henry Oke, a Deputy Director in the Department of Petroleum Resources, said “I should draw the court’s attention to the catastrophic consequences that would ensue were the court to accede to SAPETRO’s application.

It would literally put the Federal Government of Nigeria’s oil and gas policy and administration into turmoil and open a floodgate of potential claims from previous OPL holders who, based upon the SAPETRO example, might be tempted to ask for a return to them of the unconverted portions of their previous OPLs. Such requests would have serious consequences for the country’s policy and administration of the nation’s oil and gas resources.”

Dr Oke in the averment, further said, “At page 1 is a schedule entitled ‘2006 Mini-Bid Round-— Summary Results’, showing the outcome of the mini bid conference held last Friday, 19 May 2006 for the auction of OPLs. I can confirm that about 10 of the OPLs on that schedule, ie numbers 9 to 18, are relinquished OPLs following conversion of the previous OPLs into OMLs. It is apparent from the schedule that OPLs numbered 1 to 3, and 5 to 8 have retained their previous labels, while the OPLs numbered 9 to 18 without a single exception have all been re-labelled. This can be seen by comparing the columns entitled ‘Old Block” and “New Block” on the left hand side of the schedule”.

“It is important to bear in mind that a number of the holders of the relinquished OPLs which are listed in the schedule and were auctioned during last Friday’s mini-bid round wanted to convert the unconverted portion of their previous OPLs into additional OMLs. These requests were refused. In this regard and by way of examples only, I draw attention to the following: At pages 2 to 5 is NNPC’s letter to the Director of DPR dated 7 October 2004, which set out the FGN’s policy regarding OML conversions and commented upon a number of OPLs in respect of which the holders wanted second OMLs. The OPLs included 209, 211, 212, 213, 217, 218, 219 and 220, all of which were relinquished by previous holders and relabelled and made available for the mini-bid round that was held on Friday, 19 May 2006. More importantly, the NNPC letter made it clear that the FGN’s policy is that only one OML should be issued from an OPL”.

Meanwhile, counsel to SAPETRO, My Candide-Johnson (SAN), described as misleading the averment of Dr Oke, contending that the Minister of Petroleum Resources have not power to declare any OPL mandatorily relinquished.
According to Candide-Johnson, “no revocation can be done without following section 29 of the Schedule of the Petroleum Act of 1969, Cap 350, Laws of the Federation, 1990", contending further that the Minister acted outside his powers by asserting that a portion of OPL 246 has been mandatorily relinquished.

He prayed the court to grant the prayers of the plaintiff, which includes:

* An order of injunction restraining the “respondent by himself, his agent, privies, delegates or howsoever otherwise from doing any acts or omitting to do any acts in a manner that is inconsistent with the Applicant’s right and/or legitimate expectation to a grant of an additional OML from the remaining area of OPL 246".

* A declaration that by virtue of Petroleum Act 1968 and all subsidiary legislation thereunder including OPL (Conversion to Oil Mining, Leases, etc) Regulations 2004, its rights and interest in OPL 246 remained extant for its express tenure (until March 2008) notwithstanding the grant of OML 130 out of the area of OPL 246.

* A declaration that the decision of the Minister in two letters in March 2006 asserting the “mandatory” relinquishment or forfeiture of OPL 246 without its consent is “perverse, arbitrary, capricious irrational and unreasonable, a unilateral and unlawful confiscation of the rights and interest granted to the applicant under OPL 246, is wrongful and exceeds the power granted to the Minister of Petroleum Resources” under existing legislation.
Further hearing in the matter has been adjourned till June 5 and 7, 2006

[Feuerblume]

FG: Danjuma’s Suit Endangers Nigeria’s Oil Policy
By Chika Amanze-Nwachuku, 05.26.2006

The Federal Government has warned that should the Federal High Court, Lagos grant the reliefs being sought by South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPE-TRO), over its relinquished Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 246, the country’s oil and gas policy would be put in jeopardy.

According to the government, about 10 blocks, relinquished by previous holders were among the ones made available for the 2006 Mini Bid Round held Friday (May 19).

The relinquished OPLs, government argued, were re-labeled and auctioned during the May 19 Mini Bid, after it (government) refused requests by their previous holders to convert the unconverted portion of the OPLs into additional Oil Mining Lease (OML).

The government, therefore, warned against what it called the "catastrophic consequences" that would ensue, should the application brought before the Federal High Court, Lagos by SAPETRO, an indigenous company owned by former Defense Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma succeeds.

It also cautioned that in the event the court grants Danjuma's reliefs, "it would literally put the Federal Government of Nigeria's (FGN's) oil and gas policy and administration into turmoil and open a floodgate of potential claims from previous OPL holders who, based upon the SAPETRO example, might be tempted to ask for a return to them of the unconverted portions of their previous OPLs", noting that it would portend a great danger for the government policy and administration of the nation's oil and gas resources.
The Federal Government, which made these disclosures in its second affidavit, filed by its lead counsel, Professor Fidelis Odita, SAN (QC), stated that in accordance with international petroleum industry practice, the residue of OPL 246 has retained its identification number "246" largely for reasons of convenience because of the petroleum information and data already associated with that number. The government, respondent in the matter, has exhibited what it called a paginated clip of documents" to buttress its position in the matter.

The documents include summary results of the just concluded mini - bid conference, which showed that 10 of the OPLs on that schedule 9 - 18 were OPLs relinquished following conversion of the previous OPLs into OML.
"It is apparent from the schedule that OPLs numbered 1 - 3, and 5 - 8 have retained their previous labels, while the OPLs numbered 9 - 18, without a single exception have all been re-labeled.

The government made reference to pages two to five of a letter dated October 7, 2004 written by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to the Director of Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), and stated that the letter set out government's policy regarding OML conversions and commented upon a number of OPLs in respect of which the holders wanted second OMLs.
The said letter, according to the government's affidavit, listed the OPLs to include; 209, 211, 212, 213, 217, 218, 219 and 220, all of which it said, were relinquished by previous holders, re-labeled and made available for the last Friday mini - bid round.

While noting that the NNPC letter made it clear that the FGN's policy is that only one OML should be issued from an OPL, it pointed out that OPL 216 was granted to Famfa Oil Limited, an indigenous oil company similar to SAMPETRO, but that the company's application on March 28, 2003, for two OMLs was refused and that the relinquished unconverted portion of what was previously OPL 216 was OPL 291 and was auctioned during the mini- bid.

The previous OPL 209 held by Esso, now part of ExxonMobil Group, re-labeled OPL 279 was won by ONGC-Mittal in the mini- bid round, the affidavit said, while the relinquished OPL 217, previously held by Statoil was re-labeled and sold to INC Natural Resources in the said mini- bid conference.

But lead counsel for SAPETRO, Mr. Charles Candide-Johnson, SAN, while addressing the court yesterday, submitted that the government's second affidavit as well as the documents attached to it, were misleading, adding that the Production Sharing Contract relied upon by the respondent, is different from that which is applicable to OPL.

He described as intimidating the averrement by the Government that the success of the SAPETRO's application would affect FG's oil and gas policy, and maintained that his client is not concerned with additional OML, but the remnant of its OPL 246.

He submitted that the affidavit of the government started with misdirection and ended with intimidation, contained no material facts.
The counsel further argued that the issue is not the Minister's discretion, but whether any law compulsorily revokes the balance of an OPL.

He therefore urged the court to restrain the relinquishment of SAPETRO's OPL 246, maintaining that his client's OPL 246 will only expire in March 2008.
Meanwhile, the government counsel disagreed with the allegation of intimidation by Candide-Johnson and submitted that the government, by the said averrement, only wanted to make known the impact which the court's position in the matter could have on government’s oil and gas policy. The counsel will however open his argument in the matter at the next adjourned date, June 5.

SAPETRO, had in the suit, prayed the court to among others; declare that by virtue of Petroleum Act 1968 and all subsidiary legislation thereunder including OPL (Conversion to Oil Mining, Leases, etc) Regulations 2004, its rights and interest in OPL 246 remained extant for its express tenure (until March 2008) notwithstanding the grant of OML 130 out of the area of OPL 246.
South Atlantic also sought a declaration that the decision of the Minister in two letters in March 2006 asserting the "mandatory" relinquishment or forfeiture of OPL 246 without its consent is "perverse, arbitrary, capricious irrational and unreasonable, a unilateral and unlawful confiscation of the rights and interest granted to the applicant under OPL 246, is wrongful and exceeds the power granted to the Minister of Petroleum Resources" under existing legislation.
The applicant company also sought an order of injunction restraining the "respondent by himself, his agent, privies, delegates or howsoever otherwise from doing any acts or omitting to do any acts in a manner that is inconsistent with the Applicant's right and/or legitimate expectation to a grant of an additional OML from the remaining area of OPL 246".

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria : Oil, gas policy in jeopardy?


May 26, 2006, 11 minutes and 51 seconds ago.

By Andnetwork .com

Nigeria's federal government has warned that should the Federal High Court, Lagos, grant the reliefs being sought by South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPE-TRO), over its relinquished oil prospecting licence (OPL) 246, the country’s oil and gas policy would be put in jeopardy.

According to the government, about 10 blocks, relinquished by previous holders were among the ones made available for the 2006 mini bid round held in May 19.

The relinquished OPLs, government argued, were re-labeled and auctioned during the May 19 mini bid, after it (government) refused requests by their previous holders to convert the unconverted portion of the OPLs into additional oil mining lease (OML).

The government, therefore, warned against what it called the "catastrophic consequences" that would ensue, should the application brought before the Federal High Court, Lagos by SAPETRO, an indigenous company owned by former defence minister, Theophilus Danjuma succeeds.

It also cautioned that in the event the court grants Danjuma's reliefs, "it would literally put the federal government of Nigeria's oil and gas policy and administration into turmoil and open a floodgate of potential claims from previous OPL holders who, based upon the SAPETRO example, might be tempted to ask for a return to them of the unconverted portions of their previous OPLs", noting that it would portend a great danger for the government policy and administration of the nation's oil and gas resources.

The government, which made these disclosures in its second affidavit, filed by its lead counsel, Professor Fidelis Odita, SAN (QC), stated that in accordance with international petroleum industry practice, the residue of OPL 246 has retained its identification number "246" largely for reasons of convenience because of the petroleum information and data already associated with that number.

The government, respondent in the matter, has exhibited what it called a paginated clip of documents to buttress its position in the matter.

The documents

The documents include summary results of the just concluded mini - bid conference, which showed that 10 of the OPLs on that schedule 9 - 18 were OPLs relinquished following conversion of the previous OPLs into OML.

"It is apparent from the schedule that OPLs numbered 1 - 3, and 5 - 8 have retained their previous labels, while the OPLs numbered 9 - 18, without a single exception have all been re-labeled.

The government made reference to pages two to five of a letter dated October 7, 2004 written by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to the director of department of petroleum resources (DPR), and stated that the letter set out government's policy regarding OML conversions and commented upon a number of OPLs in respect of which the holders wanted second OMLs.

The said letter, according to the government's affidavit, listed the OPLs to include; 209, 211, 212, 213, 217, 218, 219 and 220, all of which it said, were relinquished by previous holders, re-labeled and made available for the last Friday mini - bid round.

While noting that the NNPC letter made it clear that the FGN's policy is that only one OML should be issued from an OPL, it pointed out that OPL 216 was granted to Famfa Oil Limited, an indigenous oil company similar to SAMPETRO, but that the company's application on March 28, 2003, for two OMLs was refused and that the relinquished unconverted portion of what was previously OPL 216 was OPL 291 and was auctioned during the mini- bid.

The previous OPL 209 held by Esso, now part of ExxonMobil Group, re-labeled OPL 279 was won by ONGC-Mittal in the mini- bid round, the affidavit said, while the relinquished OPL 217, previously held by Statoil was re-labeled and sold to INC Natural Resources in the said mini- bid conference.

But lead counsel for SAPETRO, Charles Candide-Johnson, SAN, while addressing the court on Thursday, submitted that the government's second affidavit as well as the documents attached to it, were misleading, adding that the production sharing contract relied upon by the respondent, is different from that which is applicable to OPL.

He described as intimidating the averrement by the Government that the success of the SAPETRO's application would affect FG's oil and gas policy, and maintained that his client is not concerned with additional OML, but the remnant of its OPL 246.

He submitted that the affidavit of the government started with misdirection and ended with intimidation, contained no material facts.

The counsel further argued that the issue is not the minister's discretion, but whether any law compulsorily revokes the balance of an OPL.

He therefore urged the court to restrain the relinquishment of SAPETRO's OPL 246, maintaining that his client's OPL 246 will only expire in March 2008.

Meanwhile, the government counsel disagreed with the allegation of intimidation by Candide-Johnson and submitted that the government, by the said averrement, only wanted to make known the impact which the court's position in the matter could have on government’s oil and gas policy.

The counsel will however open his argument in the matter at the next adjourned date, June 5.

SAPETRO, had in the suit, prayed the court to among others; declare that by virtue of Petroleum Act 1968 and all subsidiary legislation thereunder including OPL (conversion to oil mining, leases, etc) regulations 2004, its rights and interest in OPL 246 remained extant for its express tenure (until March 2008) notwithstanding the grant of OML 130 out of the area of OPL 246.

South Atlantic also sought a declaration that the decision of the minister in two letters in March 2006 asserting the "mandatory" relinquishment or forfeiture of OPL 246 without its consent is "perverse, arbitrary, capricious irrational and unreasonable, a unilateral and unlawful confiscation of the rights and interest granted to the applicant under OPL 246, is wrongful and exceeds the power granted to the minister of petroleum resources" under existing legislation.

The applicant company also sought an order of injunction restraining the "respondent by imself, his agent, privies, delegates or howsoever otherwise from doing any acts or omitting to do any acts in a manner that is inconsistent with the Applicant's right and/or legitimate expectation to a grant of an additional OML from the remaining area of OPL 246".

By Chika Amanze-Nwachuku, ThisDay

[Feuerblume]

Obasanjo's corruption war a ruse - Obasamjo Is Playing Game
By Gani Fawehinmi, Chairman NCP
March 29, 2005, [e-mail]

Despite the official exposure of massive corruption in both the executive and legislative arms of government, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, SAN, says President Olusegun Obasanjo is just showing off with his much-publicised fight against corruption. Fawehinmi believes Obasanjo cannot wage an effective war on corruption because the basis of his government is corrupt. He spoke with VINCENT OBIA. Excerpts:
Is Obasanjo winning the war on corruption?

The recent events involving the National Assembly have proved clearly that Obasanjo is not winning the war on corruption. We are not making progress at all in the fight against corruption. As a matter of fact, since emergence of the present democratic process the country has witnessed massive corruption everywhere, more particularly in the corridors of power.

You now have the nouveaux riche that have looted the treasury of the country. Many of them are now buying jets, buying mansions in various capitals of the world, purporting to be investing in various countries of the world monies that have been stolen from our country, and denying the Nigerian people employment, infrastructure, etc.

In Aso Rock itself, there is corruption. In the National Assembly, there is corruption, and there are accusations here and there about the judiciary. So, the country is littered with corruption. And I think the President is losing the war on a daily basis. The recent eruption of the lava of corruption in this country involving the Minister of Education is just a tip of the iceberg. Even Obasanjo has admitted in his broadcast that it is a tip of the iceberg.

It’s clear to everybody that Obasanjo cannot effectively win the war against corruption because he has not established a standard that would enable that war to be won. We have seen how he has covered the corruption of General Ibrahim Babangida over the years. We advised that Babangida should be investigated criminally and that the present law, that is the Criminal Code or the Penal Code, should be invoked to deal with that man. Instead, Obasanjo brought his Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), which came into force in June 2000, and he has not made it effective. So, all those who have looted the treasury of the country could not be taken on by the ICPC Act of 2000. Even those who are now being probed on corruption are not been taken seriously by the government. Nobody has been prosecuted, tried, and convicted. Not a single person! So, how can you tell us you are fighting corruption? You agree that corruption is pervasive, yet nobody has been tried; nobody has been arraigned or convicted. No public officer! Where are the products of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Act? Where are the men in the prison? Where are the products of ICPC? Where are the men in the prison? Not a single person is behind bars. That is evidence that his anti corruption war is a ruse.

All those who are against Obasanjo can easily be investigated. You have investigated Joshua Dariye, the Plateau State governor, but where are all the governors? At least, 90 percent of the governors are corrupt. Look at their investments abroad! Where did they get the money? All those who have been governors since 1999, not a single one can say he is outside the circle of corruption. If there is anyone, let him prove it, that he is outside the circle of corruption. The onus is on him. People don’t care about what goes on and the President says he is fighting corruption. He is failing. Not withstanding Fabian Osuji’s sack. Now, Osuji has been dismissed, when will he be tried? When will he be cooling his heels in the prison? When will the money be taken from him? When will the investment be taken from him? The President’s broadcast, yes. After broadcast what follows? We have had so many broadcasts. Babangida is enjoying his loot. All the Abacha boys are enjoying their loot. Abdulsalami Abubakar is enjoying his loot, and all his men are enjoying their loot. For God’s sake, let Obasanjo tell his broadcast to the marines, not Nigerians who already know what is happening in the country.



How necessary are the Obasanjo administration’s anti-sleaze agencies in a genuine fight against corruption?

For press publicity, yes, those agencies could be necessary. They flash press statements in the newspapers, and that’s the end. Nothing follows.

Look at the national identity card project. What has happened to it and many like that? Now, at the seat of legislative power, look at what is happening. Bribe being demanded from government by government agencies for the purpose of government! That’s the height of it all. Obasanjo has not succeeded in fighting corruption.

Since he came to power, the infrastructure of this country has collapsed further and further. And the cause is corruption. The President himself has admitted that corruption stultifies growth or development. More Nigerians are buying jets. Even governors are doing businesses. Where is the money coming from?

The President knows that things have reached a point where the international community will draw the carpet from under his feet, and so, he is pretending now - let’s deal with Osuji, he’s dismissed. Is that all we need? What about when Nasir El-Rufai told us that Senators demanded and got N54 million. What happened? Up till now, we have not been told who issued the cheque.

The best way you can start a war against corruption is to publish the declaration of assets of everybody. Why are you making declaration of assets private? Let journalists have access to the assets declared by every public office holder. And let us see what they have and what they do not have. Is Obasanjo telling us that he doesn’t have the facilities to get the pictures of the houses of public officers abroad?

In Hong Kong? In Tokyo? In London? In Denmark? In Kopen Hagen? In New York? In Chicago? In Kampar? In Florida? The estates they are building there? For God’s sake, who is Obasanjo hoodwinking?

What about the property of public officers in South Africa, in the West Coast of Africa? Where did they get the money?

I only blame Nigerians because instead of them to revolt they carry their Koran and Bible and say God should help them. They invade the churches and Mosques, telling God to help them. God would not help people who do not help themselves!

Who can do this to the British? They will be on the street demonstrating. Who can do this to the Americans? They will be on the street demonstrating. Who can do this to the Germans? They will be on the street demonstrating. But Nigerians belabour Lord God Almighty. God has created them to help themselves, but they would not.

When you are talking about corruption, corruption starts from election. Obasanjo rigged election. He rigged in his own state. The basis of corruption in public life starts with election. Those who helped him to rig election now believe they must recoup what they had illegally expended. Who is he blaming now? The basis of his own leadership is corrupt.

Wabara was never elected by the people. When we were shouting our voices hoarse, Obasanjo ignored us. Wabara usurped Elder Dan Imo’s victory, and Justice Wilson Egbo-Egbo, who has now bitten the dust, concocted it – he is now a disgraced judicial officer. Many people in the Obasanjo government were never elected, they rigged election. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) never won election, it rigged election. And PDP is not a party. It is a stock exchange organization where people just invest their money and take billions at the expense of the Nigerian people. So, how do you fight corruption when the basis of your own existence is corrupt?

Look at the confusion in Anambra State; is it not caused by corruption?

Did Governor Chris Ngige win election? If he won how did he win? Chris Uba said he manipulated the whole process, and Obasanjo did not move against him. The President has abused the democratic process of this country, and he is now shedding crocodile tears about corruption. Even after the mayhem that was unleashed on the people of Anambra, we have not been told those who are involved, no one has been charged. Obasanjo is just making a show. Nigerians are not interested in shows, but in substance.



Besides public asset declaration by public officers, what other methods do you recommend in the fight against corruption?

Resolving the problem of Nigeria must start with a sovereign national conference. Let us restructure and re-define this country. The presidential system promotes a situation where a man could be corrupt and you cannot query him, because he is not in parliament. Obasanjo came on television just to arouse our feelings. In a parliamentary system, he would be in the House. We don’t want the presidential system. It doesn’t accord with our culture. We need a parliamentary system where on a general basis the government is kept on its toes. We must adopt a new system that would enable our people to live like human beings. We must have a new constitution that would give Nigerians fundamental right to education, health, jobs, social security, and other things that make life worth living. It is not just, as we have in the present Constitution, a mere theoretical right to free speech – what is free speech to a man who does not know where his next meal would come from? Or what is a right to life to a man who has nowhere to lay his head? What we have in the present Constitution are just ephemeral rights. Economic right is what is actually meaningful to people.

We need a sovereign national conference to address these fundamental issues. Not this concoction of a market talk in Abuja called National Dialogue.

People will elect members of the sovereign national conference at local government level, and at the level of interest groups. There would be a sovereign national conference planning committee, which would map out details of the conference in collaboration with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), not on party basis. Then at the end of the conference, two years or so, we would have a referendum to accept or reject resolutions of the sovereign national conference.

Nigerians have never been allowed to freely approve or reject their constitution. In 1914, 1921, 1946, 1951, and 1960, constitutions were imposed on Nigerian without any referendums. And in 1963 when Nigerians had the republican constitution, nobody sought the views of the people through a referendum. The 1979 and 1999 constitutions came about without a referendum. In the General Abdusalami Abubakar case, he even held elections before he released the constitution; this is the absurdity of it all.

We have been taken for a ride for too long. Our future can only be determined by us through a sovereign national conference. Until that is done, we would continue to move from one catastrophe to another, from one crisis to another, from one chaos to another from one debacle to another, until the country is in flames.

The fight against corruption the President is talking about today is just a ruse.

[Feuerblume]

NIGERIA: Obasanjo says farming, not corruption, makes him rich
Posted To The Web: Friday, November 26, 2004 - AP/IRIN

ABUJA, 25 Nov 2004 (IRIN) - Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo earns more than a quarter of a million dollars every month from his large farm, a senior aide said on Thursday.

The aide volunteered the information as Obasanjo, the leader of one of the world's most corrupt countries, sought to dismiss fears that he was enriching himself in office.

Obasanjo, a former army general, owns hundreds of hectares of land at Otta in Ogun State in south-western Nigeria, about 40 km from the country's commercial capital Lagos.

Besides rearing chickens, pigs and ostriches, Obasanjo frequently uses the farm for diplomatic meetings. Earlier this month, he held a crisis summit there with five other African heads of state to discuss the latest upsurge in violence in Cote d'Ivoire.

Femi Fani-Kayode, a special assistant to the president, told IRIN that “some unknown people” were circulating allegations that Obasanjo was diverting state funds to his farm.

“The President makes 30 million naira (US $227,000) every month on the average from his farm,” the aide said by telephone.
“When people say he is using state funds on the farm, it may help to show the kind of money he already makes from it."

He declined to discuss Obasanjo's income from other assets.

Corruption has long been a bugbear in Africa's most populous nation. It is Africa's top oil producer, and ranks seventh in world terms, but more than 80 percent of Nigeria's 126 million people live on less than a dollar a day.

Obasanjo came to power through the ballot box in 1999, ending a decade and a half of military rule, and immediately declared war on corruption, which he branded a cancer,

But under his leadership Nigeria has consistently ranked among the three most corrupt countries in the world in a survey carried out each year by the Berlin-based watchdog, Transparency International.

It ranked Nigeria 132nd out of the 133 countries surveyed in this year's Corruption Perceptions Index.

Obasanjo has set up a special anti-graft body to prosecute public officials fingered on corruption charges, but critics point out that no top official has yet been convicted on corruption charges, despite signs that the problem is worsening.

One case that made local headlines recently was brought against Plateau State governor Joshua Dariye. He was suspended for six months earlier this year following a series of sectarian clashes in Plateau State between Muslims and Christians, which persuaded Obasanjo to declare a state of emergency there.

Nigeria's Justice Minister Akinlolu Olujinmi last week wrote to the state legislature, saying Dariye was currently under investigation for money laundering in Britain and Nigeria.

The minister detailed more than one million pounds (US $1.9 million), suspected to have been diverted from public funds, and traced to bank accounts in Britain run by the governor.

Dariye's supporters say he is being singled out by Obasanjo to settle secret political scores and to draw attention away from the president's lack of progress in the nationwide corruption fight.

The justice minister's letter arrived the day before the end of a six-month state of emergency, which Obasanjo had declared in the wake of religious fighting that killed hundreds, but it stopped short of asking legislators to remove Dariye from office as they are empowered to do under the constitution.

Plateau's state legislators replied in a letter to the government on Wednesday, asking the president to avoid "selective punishment" in its anti-graft war and demanding that all public officers, including the president, publish details of their assets.

[Feuerblume]

Noch ein paar Hintergrundinformationen

Danjuma’s $2.4 billion dollar Oil loot
January 09, 2006


BY Sunny Ofili from TheTimesofNigeria.com
DATE : Monday, 09 January 2006
While Nigerians rejoice at the news of the announcement of China’s CNOOC decision to invest in the Nigerian oil and gas sector with the acquisition of a stake in a Nigerian offshore oil and gas field for $2.3bn, many are ignorant of the beneficiary of this largesse.
TON’s investigations reveals that former Minister of Defense during President Olusegun Obasanjo’s first term government, General Theophilus Danjuma, is the owner of South Atlantic Petroleum whose interest in the Akpo Oil and Gas field the Chinese company acquired.

The oil concession known as block OPL 246 was awarded on February 25 1998 to Danjuma, a crony of the late maximum ruler, General Sani Abacha. There was no bidding process during Abacha’s dictatorship and oil and other contracts were awarded to friends and families as political patronages.
This is a private venture between General Danjuma’s South Atlantic Petroleum and the Chinese company. None of the proceeds from this contract will reach the Nigerian government.
TON can reveal that General Danjuma did not pay a signature bonus for the block when it was awarded to him in 1998 by his friend, General Abacha.
Only last month, India's government blocked plans by its state-owned Oil & Natural Gas Corp’s bid to invest $2 billion in Nigerian through the acquisition of South Atlantic’s 10% interest in the Akpo Oil and gas field, forcing the company to seek energy assets elsewhere to feed demand in Asia's fourth-largest economy.
Indian’s Finance Minister P. Chidambaram, who spoke to reporters after the decision was made, did not say why the government rejected the plan. However, two people involved in the transaction said that China's state-owned Concoct Ltd. also submitted a bid.
A major concern to the Indian government might have been the controversy surrounding the acquisition of the oil block.
“The nature of South Atlantic’s stake in Akpo and how it was obtained are such that any deal was always going to be complicated,” Antony Goldman, a London-based risk analyst at Clearwater Research Services, said
“A lot of other companies have had a look at this opportunity and walked away. Theophilus Danjuma, previously Nigeria’s defense minister and a former army chief, is one of the owners of South Atlantic. The company gained its stake in the Akpo field during the regime of general Sani Abacha, who took power in a military coup in 1993 and died five years later.”
International Oil and Gas analysts are worried that the ownership of the oil block might become a subject of litigation someday depending on who assumes power in 2007 after current Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo steps down.
Obasanjo’s friendship with Danjuma may have been a reason why the current government has failed to raise the issue of the improper award of the oil block. The block was awarded a year before Obasanjo took over as Nigeria’s president.
Similar awards made by the Abacha government were all cancelled when the Obasanjo government took over in 1999.
Observers believe that a new Nigerian government may be forced through either third party litigation or public outcry to look into the award process of the lucrative oil bloc.
The Akpo Project is a deep offshore installation based on a stand-alone facility. Some 44 subsea wells (22 producers, 20 water injectors and two gas injectors) are arranged around various subsea infrastructures wells in water depths ranging from 1,300 to 1,500 meters , and connected to production facilities on a new-built FPSO (Floating Production, Storage and Offloading vessel) via insulated production flow lines and steel catenary risers of the most advanced technology with and .
The FPSO, which is designed for 240 people aboard, has a capacity of 175,000 for stabilized condensate, 530 for produced gas and a capacity of two million barrels crude storage.
The Akpo field is scheduled to start producing by 2008, eight years after its discovery. As technical advisor for the OPL 246 joint venture, Total will supervise the drilling of the 44 wells
When fully operational, the Akpo Oil field will account for 9% of Nigerias oil output.

Akpo Oil and Gas field at a glance:
Operator: South Atlantic Petroleum

Contract block name: OPL 246

Partners:

NNPC 50%
South Atlantic: 10%
TUPNI: 24%
Brasoil: 16%

Last Updated ( Monday, 09 January 2006 )

[Feuerblume]

Und noch was dazu:

Past Looters of Nigeria's Money
December 17, 2005

Investigating Marc Rich and his deals with Nigeria's Oil

Through an elaborate network of carrots and sticks and a willing army of Nigeria's soldiers and some civilians, controversial global dealer and billionaire Marc Rich, literally and practically, made deals and steals; yes, laughed his way to the banks from crude oil contracts, unpaid millions in oil royalties and false declarations of quantities of crude lifted and exported from Nigeria for almost 25 years. Worse, he lifted Nigeria's oil and shipped same to then embargoed apartheid regime in South Africa. The following is Chido Nwangwu's NEWS INVESTIGATION REPORT for USAfricaonline.com and The Black Business Journal
USAfricaonline.com is listed among the world's hot sites by the international newspaper, USAToday.

In 15 years: Nigeria could collapse, destabilize entire West Africa - U.S. intelligence analysts claim; Obasanjo calls them "prophets of doom...."
Without a doubt, Marc Rich remains one of the most controversial businessmen in the U.S. He made waves here in the U.S. following insinuations by conservative activists and other Clinton critics that Rich, through some sleek ways, "bought" his January 2001 presidential pardon via his former wife, Denise Rich. Denise has made donations to the President Bill Clinton Library in Arkansas and more than $600,000 to Democratic Party causes in recent years. Clinton also attended numerous fundraisers hosted by Denise. Another issue which reflects the audacious resolve and strategic ways of the 66-years old Mr. Rich is that he hired, shall I simply say, "the best attorney for the job" of getting the Clinton pardon, Washington D.C.-based attorney Jack Quinn (who recently served as President Clinton's lawyer). Quinn delivered. As they say, the rest is history. As an unfolding drama, those form the core of the American citizens' concerns about Rich (in this 1998 photo) and his methods.

Having stated those basic facts, let's proceed to tackle the Marc Rich issue as it pertains our community. Why is Marc Rich, former President Bill Clinton's January 2001 pardonee and fugitive from the laws of the United States of any significant interest to Nigerians, continental Africans and African-Americans and other Americans who do business with Africans?

First, it is important to examine his consistent and self-serving efforts to undermine pan-African interests in the decolonization of the continent.

Second, Mr. Rich's ignoble support for the apartheid regime in South Africa places his aggressive business legacy on the wrong side of history. Speaking of leagcy, I really doubt that Rich really cares about more than making big bucks, here and there.

Third, our community and readers should know about the millions of unpaid royalties and misleading declarations he made in the Nigerian oil and gas business through his numerous deals with soldier-businessmen-politicans who ran Nigeria into an economic stupor.

Fourth, he has been a key player for well over 25 years in Nigeria's export of its crude oil. He is not your garden-variety businessman. In fact, at certain points in Nigeria's recent economic history, Marc Rich has been the kingpin.

For example, ...surprise, surprise(?) in August of 1999, three months after taking office, former retired General and two-time Nigerian President Obasanjo (picture, right) and his government announced 16 crude oil contracts to replace the 41 approved under previous military governments. Remarkably, the controversial international businessman Marc Rich "survived" the overhaul of the established international crude oil trading houses who dominated Nigeria's exports. They were called the "magnificent seven."

The seemingly ubiquitous Mr. Rich reemerged as a contractor. Unknown to some less savvy officials in Nigeria, he is the operator of Glencore International AG. The man, in that fateful month had netted a new deal, the third best, a direct contract for 90,000 bpd (barrels per day). Also, Gencore was licensed to operate Ghana National Petroleum Corporation's 30,000 bpd and Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) partner Napoil's 20,000 bpd for a total 150,000 bpd. Such is the power and reach of Marc Rich, inside Nigeria, even in these days of "democracy accountability, probity and integrity...."

In an insightful report titled "Corruption Flourished In Abacha's Regime", James Rupert of the Washington Post Foreign Service wrote on Tuesday, June 9, 1998: Much of the oil that Nigeria pumps each day goes to the major international oil companies -- Shell, Mobil, Chevron and others -- that operate the oil fields. But the largest single share goes to Nigeria's state oil company, which, under the direction of Abacha's camp, sells its oil to independent traders. According to official announcements of oil sales and reporting by the London-based oil newsletter Energy Compass, Nigeria's main trading partners in the Abacha era have been the London-based firms Arcadia and Addax, and the Swiss-based company Glencore, which was under the control of Marc Rich, an American commodities dealer. (He later renounced his American citizenship; he holds Spanish, Israeli and, I believe, Belgian citizenships currently). Rupert added that Abacha's predecessor, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, "doled out the contracts" to a wide circle of supporters, allowing them to take commissions from oil traders, said Patrick Smith, editor of the London-based newsletter Africa Confidential."

Rupert's report underscored the fact that when the 1991 Persian Gulf War drove oil prices upward, Nigeria earned a windfall that never made it to government coffers. Soon after taking power as he wooed political support, Abacha named a commission headed by Nigerian economist Pius Okigbo to investigate. Okigbo reported that $12.2 billion in oil earnings had disappeared between 1990 and 1994, but no one was ever prosecuted. The former trader, a European, said he participated in three oil purchases in recent years -- technically from Nigeria's state oil company but negotiated with Abacha aides at the presidential villa. Each contract specified a "commission" to be paid to a specific beneficiary, he said. He declined to name the beneficiaries on the contracts he helped negotiate. He said other traders had noted that sometimes the beneficiary is a well-known Nigerian, and at other times "it's a completely unknown person" who traders believe is a front for someone else. He said the contracts he dealt with ordered the commissions paid to bank accounts in Singapore, Bermuda and Switzerland."

Also, the Sunday Nigerian Tribune ran a mid-March report which linked Marc Rich and some soldiers (including former head of state retired Gen. Muhammadu Buhari) to the December 31, 1983 coup which removed Alhaji Shehu Shagari as an elected president of Nigeria. The report noted that Rich's oil deals had been on even before Shagari's election, implying but without specifying the obvious that he was equally active during the first tenure of then Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo (with the latter) as a military dictator in Nigeria (February 1976-October 1979).

USAfricaonline.com can report that a number of Nigeria's retired soldiers and a number of civilian executives in the oil industry were willing allies of Rich as he milked the sweet Bonny Light crude and laughed to the banks while children and women in Nigeria's riverine areas and in the Sahelian, drought-stricken parts, and indeed, most of the country, went to bed hungry and with no books to study in school. He utilized his deft and far-reaching "logistical leverage" in Switzerland to "assist" his Nigeria cohorts in making huge deposits in private, secure accounts. Bribery and massive inducement through hard currency transfers were staples of the Marc Rich financial machine inside Nigeria, and beyond.

He operated a number of corporations, and the most significant being Marc Rich & Co. The same company was involved in the Kaduna Refinery Supplemental Steam Production Project.

Michael Dobbs' brief bio of him, includes the following: Mr. Rich was born Marc Reich on Dec. 18, 1934, in the Belgian city of Antwerp, the only child of a prosperous Jewish family. When the Nazis took over Belgium in 1942, the family fled to the United States, settling first in Kansas City, Missouri, and then in New York, where Mr. Rich's father, David, went into the burlap bag business. The Korean War created huge demand for burlap bags used for sandbags, pushing prices sky-high and turning David Rich into a millionaire. For Marc, it was an early lesson in the economics of scarcity. Dropping out of New York University at age 19, he set his sights on becoming a commodities trader." The rest is about the history of controversial deals with Libya's Muammar Ghaddafi, Iranian mullahs, Soviet Communists and a whole lot more.

Another look at Rich by the U.K-based OneWorld organization chronicles Rich's schemes which weakened Nigeria's oil and embargo of all business with then apartheid South Africa. He is identified as one of the "notorious sanctions busters." Among other deeds, OneWorld recalled: For example, in the mid-1980's they copied lists of tankers which called at loading points and determined whether any of the vessels had called at South African ports in the previous year. Tankers so implicated in sanctions busting were not loaded with crude in Nigeria. The oil workers rejected out of hand the apartheid propaganda that an oil embargo against the racist regime would hurt ordinary South African citizens. They also cast unwanted light on corrupt petroleum sales by Nigerian middlemen, where 'private' sales of state-owned crude put Nigerian oil in the hands of notorious sanctions busters such as Marc Rich."

In researching Mr. Rich's deals in Africa, I had access to the valuable report made by Economists Allied for Arms Reduction (EAAR), complied during the Cameron Commission of Inquiry of 1994/95, titled "The Betrayal of the Struggle Against Apartheid." Again, Rich factors into the deals of the ruinous bank, the BCCI.

Before anyone underestimates the credibility and insight of the EAAR, let me cite the leadership of the group: the chairman is globally-acclaimed economist James K. Galbraith while the vice-Chairs are Jurgen Brauer, Michael Intriligator and Ann Markusen. Some of the trustees include Robert S. McNamara, formerly of the World Bank and the U.S. State Department, Clinton's Labor Secretary Prof. Robert Reich and Harvard's international economics scholar Prof. Jeffrey Sachs.

Although dated September 28, 2000, the EAAR report looks back and quoted from the executive summary of the United States Senate investigation into notorious BCCI Bank (it had branches in Nigeria, too), as follows:

"BCCI's unique criminal structure -- an elaborate corporate spider-web with BCCI's founder, Agha Hasan Abedi and his assistant, Swaleh Naqvi, in the middle -- was an essential component of its spectacular growth and a guarantee of its eventual collapse. The structure was conceived by Abedi and managed by Naqvi for the specific purpose of evading regulation or control by governments. It functioned to frustrate the full understanding of BCCI's operations by anyone. BCCI's criminality included fraud by BCCI and BCCI customers involving billions of dollars; money laundering in Europe, Africa, Asia and the Americas; BCCI bribery of officials in most of those locations; support of terrorism, arms trafficking, and the sale of nuclear technologies; management of prostitution; the commission and facilitation of income tax evasion, smuggling and illegal immigration, illicit purchases of banks and real estate. Unanswered questions include BCCI's financing of commodities and other business dealings of international criminal financier Marc Rich."

Recall that one of Obasanjo's efforts which gained him some regional stature during his first rulership of Nigeria was his actions (initiated by his predecessor the late Gen. Murtala Muhammad) against aparthied South Africa and British Petroleum (which later became AP). Such commendable efforts included the Muhammad-Obasanjo support for southern Africa nationalists. Remarkably, Rich was working against their efforts.

I've also read the informative Platt's Oilgram (Volume 79 Number 15, January 23, 2001) where it is reported: In 1973, with oil trading profits soaring after the first Arab embargo, Rich left Phibro to form his own firm, Marc Rich & Co, which soon became a major player in world oil markets. He was particularly adept at securing supplies of Nigerian and Iraqi crudes, and gained a reputation as a reliable supplier in tough times to crude-short oil majors."

In the light of these developments (and one hopes that Nigeria's economic intelligence groups are aware of these facts prior to the latest Rich scandal), the question which millions of concerned and informed Nigerians will be asking, today and later, is not only whether the government of retired Gen. Obasanjo should immediately seek financial remedy for unpaid millions in royalties and false declarations of quantities of crude lifted by Marc Rich & Co., but can the Obasanjo's presidency assert Nigeria's fundamental economic interests on this issue without wavering. The answer, in my view, is blowing in the wind.

Why? The Obasanjo government is still predominated in major areas by most of Abacha's and Babangida's cronies and henchmen who benefited, in part, from Rich's massive lucre and loot from Nigeria.

It will be a telling pointer to the collective failure of Nigeria's ruling groups, especially its soldier-politicians (led currently by Chief Obasanjo, seen in picture to the right) if they do not ensure some forms of remedy through responsible agencies of international law and economic recompense.

Some individuals might question why Nigeria should bother "after all these years." Here's a simple answer, made more persuasive by the mid-March 2001 announcement by the New York State Commissioner of Taxation and Finance that the state has begun legal action seeking $137 million from financier Marc Rich for personal income taxes on his earnings from fraudulent business activities during the early 1980s. Yes, the early 1980s. Commissioner Arthur J. Roth is an interesting and colorful writer, too. Here are his lucid words: Mr. Rich has avoided his tax payments in New York for nearly two decades while he was under federal indictment. It is now time for him to pay the piper."

Again, can Obasanjo's government stand up to be counted? And, demand the Roth standard on Rich, specifically "It is now time for him to pay the Nigerian piper!"

Although certain facts and realities regarding the funding of the 1999 presidential elections makes one wonder if the Obasanjo government can, seriously, probe the other retired but active political generals who bankrolled his election in 1999 with multimillion dollars and the sacks of the Naira (Nigeria's local currency).

It is equally important to ask: should the Obasanjo "fight" against corrupt enrichment remain, largely, an inquiry into the stolen funds amassed by the infamous, late dictator Gen. Sani Abacha. Only a few days ago, this March 2001, the U.S. State Department and the Catholic Bishops in Nigeria criticized President Obasanjo on the issue of corruption.

Let me add that President Obasanjo should be commended for reclaiming some of the funds Abacha and his gang pillaged from our national treasury. Yet fact is that song is getting very worn and hoarse for Nigerians.

Regarding the Rich issue and his swift deals with and on Nigeria, the key question remains: Who will stand up for Nigeria's economic rights and the financial rights of Nigerians? When; and for how long? I recall vividly the day I moderated and co-hosted Chief Obasanjo's visit to Houston shortly after his release in 1998, by former head of state retired Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar (he handed over to Obasanjo in May 1999), he told us "I've seen many things in my life; both the high and low... and I intend to stand up for what I believe is right."

Without a doubt, Rich's various and convoluted dealings in the oil and gas and security sectors of Nigeria had too many shady contours and less than honest elements. Hopefully, Nigeria's President Obasanjo believes it will be "right" for Nigeria to retrieve and demand its funds, any funds that might have been acquired through corrupt enrichment by either Nigeria's domestic charlatans or international flimflam dealers who ruin and despoliate the destiny of our country, such as Mr. Rich.

To be sure, how those Marc Rich shenanigans in Nigeria are handled will count either as one of the major marks of economic nationalism or monumental failures of the Obasanjo presidency. It is a defining moment, personally and professionally, for President Obasanjo since he is also in charge of the Petroleum/Oil/Gas portfolios/ministries of his boisterous country of 110 million people.

Now, Mr. President, who will protect Nigeria's interests and oil resources from this (Rich) cat with nine lives; excuse me....

Nwangwu, recipient of the Journalism Excellence Award (1997) and consulting participant at the Offshore Technology Conference (OTC), served as an adviser to the Mayor of Houston (Dr. Lee Brown) on international business (Africa). He has appeared as a panelist at the BBC World Technology Forum in San Francisco, and analyst on CNN, VOA WorldNet television and a number of other broadcast networks. He is the Founder & Publisher of the first African-owned, U.S-based professional newspaper to be published on the internet, USAfricaonline.com, Houston-based USAfrica The Newspaper, The Black Business Journal, BBJonline.com and CLASS magazine. He writes commentaries on current U.S. and Africa issues in major newspapers and magazines in the two continents.
Published on March 18, 2001. International business, educational, policy and oil/gas sites may link to this special report.
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STEALS AND DEALS: How Marc Rich made billions from Nigeria's Oil
Why Bush should focus on dangers facing Nigeria's return to democracy and Obasanjo's slipperyslide. By Chido Nwangwu
Marc Rich's path to fortune



By Michael Dobbs

Zug (Switzerland): For decades, traders from all over Europe have flocked to this lakeside Alpine town, attracted by stringent privacy laws, low tax rates and guarantees of corporate anonymity. But no one has achieved the dominance of Marc Rich, the billionaire metals dealer and indicted tax fugitive pardoned by Bill Clinton in one of the last acts of his presidency.

At the age of 66, after a lifetime of deal-making and sanctions-breaking, Mr. Rich is the uncrowned king of Zug, a place that boasts 10,000 international companies, or roughly one corporation for every two residents. He is rarely seen but constantly talked about, his exploits buying and selling the world's natural resources becoming the stuff of legend - and scandal.

During the quarter-century that he has been operating from Zug, including 17 years hiding from U.S. marshals, Mr. Rich has mastered the art of clinching a deal with everyone from Communist bureaucrats to Third World dictators to Iranian ayatollahs. Many of the business practices cited in his 1983 indictment for racketeering by the Southern District of New York - trading with pariah states, manipulating the market for huge personal gain, hiding profits in a thicket of offshore companies - are techniques that he perfected here both before and after he got into trouble in the United States.

The list of countries that Mr. Rich has traded with reads like a compendium of rogue states: Iran during the hostage crisis, apartheid-era South Africa, Slobodan Milosevic's Yugoslavia, North Korea, Moammar Gadhafi's Libya, the Soviet Union under Leonid Brezhnev.

"He sees himself as a citizen of the world, unencumbered by the laws of sovereign nations," said Howard Safir, a former U.S. marshal, who lay in wait outside Mr. Rich's Swiss residence in 1985 in one of several futile attempts to enforce an arrest warrant against Mr. Rich on charges of swindling U.S. taxpayers of nearly $50 million. "His view is that everything and everyone can be bought and sold, and government is irrelevant."

In keeping with his usual practice, Mr. Rich declined to be interviewed for this article. For the last few weeks, he has kept out of sight, holed up at his luxurious estate in the village of Meggen, with his collection of Van Goghs, Picassos and Miros, and a breathtaking view of the mountains rising above the shimmering waters of Lake Lucerne.

According to his supporters, Mr. Rich is waiting for the controversy generated by Mr. Clinton's pardon to blow over before speaking out.

"There is nothing mysterious about him," said Georg Stucky, a former finance minister from the canton of Zug who now runs Mr. Rich's charitable foundation in Switzerland. "He is just a normal businessman who does not like publicity. He is a very shy person." In Switzerland's wealthiest canton, in one of the world's wealthiest countries, there is a saying that "money doesn't smell," according to Josef Lang, a local Green party leader who has waged a 20-year campaign to expose alleged wrongdoing by Mr. Rich and other international traders, and their cozy links with local politicians. In Zug, Mr. Lang said in a tone of disgust, "You don't ask where the money comes from, you just ask how much."

Mr. Rich was born Marc Reich on Dec. 18, 1934, in the Belgian city of Antwerp, the only child of a prosperous Jewish family. When the Nazis took over Belgium in 1942, the family fled to the United States, settling first in Kansas City, Missouri, and then in New York, where Mr. Rich's father, David, went into the burlap bag business.

The Korean War created huge demand for burlap bags used for sandbags, pushing prices sky-high and turning David Rich into a millionaire. For Marc, it was an early lesson in the economics of scarcity. Dropping out of New York University at age 19, he set his sights on becoming a commodities trader.

The company that Mr. Rich joined, Philipp Brothers, was the largest raw materials trading company in the world. He started in the mailroom but soon came to the attention of Ludwig Jesselson, a legendary trader skilled in the art of concluding long-term contracts with Third World countries. Cool, calculating and exceptionally aggressive in his deal-making, Mr. Rich quickly became a Jesselson favorite. By the late 1960s, he was his heir apparent.

Then, in 1975, in an act of betrayal that is still the talk of commodities traders, Mr. Rich broke with his mentor in a dispute over bonuses. He and his partner, Pincus (Pinky) Green, quit Philipp Brothers, taking the company's most closely held secrets and a half-dozen of its leading traders with them. Marc Rich Co. set up shop in a glass tower in Zug, down the street from Philipp Brothers' European headquarters.

Mr. Rich and Mr. Green had established an "odd couple" relationship that has proved highly beneficial to both men. Elegant and debonair, Mr. Rich made his reputation as a deal-maker. Mr. Green, by contrast, is the shabbily dressed logistics wizard whose skill at making the ships run on time earned him the nickname "the admiral." The split with Philipp Brothers coincided with a seismic shift in the world's oil markets that Mr. Rich, perhaps more than any other trader, was quick to exploit. In the early 1970s, oil-producing nations rebelled against the dominance of international oil companies. Instead of selling their oil to the majors, they began marketing it through independent traders like Mr. Rich, who is credited with virtually inventing the spot market, where oil was freely traded to the highest bidder.

The oil crisis was a fabulous boon for Mr. Rich: As prices spiraled, he was able to pocket the difference between the purchase price and the sale price. But it also proved his undoing. When successive U.S. administrations introduced a series of energy price controls in the 1970s, he devised a scheme for making money out of the bureaucratic confusion. Prosecutors say the scheme was illegal.

Under the Carter-era regulations, oil pumped under pre-1972 production agreements, called "old oil," was sold for around $6 a barrel. "New oil," by contrast, went for up to $40 a barrel. If a trader could somehow relabel old oil as new oil, he could make a fortune. Evidence collected by U.S. prosecutors shows that Mr. Rich or his representatives did just that by funneling the oil through a "daisy chain," allegedly using sham invoices and Panamanian front companies, with profits deposited in offshore accounts.

Morris Weinberg, the prosecutor in the case, estimates that Mr. Rich and Mr. Green concealed more than $100 million in ill-gotten profits in 1980 and 1981. While the pair denied wrongdoing and refused to produce documents relating to the case, they ended up paying about $200 million in back taxes and penalties in a partial settlement that allowed their companies to continue operating in the United States.

According to the September 1983 indictment, Mr. Rich and Mr. Green were also buying large amounts of Iranian oil at a time when American diplomats were being held hostage in Tehran and U.S. citizens were prohibited from dealing with Iran. The indictment lists five such trades between July and September 1980 for more than 5 million barrels of oil valued at $186 million. In a rare 1992 interview with NBC, Mr. Rich acknowledged trading with Iran, "but as a Swiss company," not an American one.

The government's charges were never tested in court. In the summer of 1983, at the height of the U.S. attorney's investigation, Mr. Rich left his $10 million apartment in New York and fled to Zug, renouncing his U.S. citizenship in favor of Spanish and Israeli passports. (The State Department still considers him a U.S. citizen, subject to U.S. tax law.)

Mr. Rich and Mr. Green remained on the Justice Department's "most wanted" fugitive list until their pardon in January. Mr. Clinton said he granted the pardon because he agreed with the arguments of Mr. Rich's lawyers that the case should have been handled in civil court rather than as a criminal case. Mr. Weinberg, now a defense attorney in Florida, says the alleged daisy-chain caper was very typical of the way Mr. Rich did business. "There is a lawless quality about the way he operates," Mr. Weinberg said. "He will do whatever he needs to do to close a deal."

The daisy-chain oil deals set a precedent for dozens of similar plays, from South America to the Middle East to Asia: the greater the bureaucratic controls over the price of oil or raw materials, the greater the potential profit.

"Whenever cracks appear in the market, there are people like Marc Rich who are willing to go where nobody else will, either because of embargoes, legal restrictions or political problems," said an executive for a leading oil company.

One specialty of Mr. Rich was breaking embargoes - trading with international pariahs was a sure way of generating extra profits. The best documented example is apartheid-era South Africa, which relied on traders like Mr. Rich to get around a United Nations oil embargo designed to deprive the country of the one raw material it did not possess.

A leading anti-apartheid watchdog organization, the Amsterdam-based Shipping Research Bureau, recorded 149 deliveries of oil to South Africa by companies linked to Mr. Rich between 1979 and 1993. The group reported that Mr. Rich was the leading supplier of oil to South Africa before the collapse of apartheid, responsible for at least 15 percent of identifiable deliveries. Some of the oil came from countries like the Soviet Union, which were leading opponents of apartheid. Typically, Rich companies would file false shipping reports for the destination of the oil, and redirect tankers to South African ports once they were safely at sea.

Spokesmen for Mr. Rich declined to comment on the sanctions-busting allegations. His supporters note that the UN embargo against South Africa was non-binding, as it was never endorsed by the Security Council.

Another Rich technique was to control the supply of strategic metals so the price would go up. At one point, in the early 1990s, he was believed to control about 40 percent of the international aluminum market, an accomplishment that earned him the nickname "aluminum finger."

Not all of Mr. Rich's ventures have turned to gold. In the early 1980s, according to press accounts, he made a disastrous foray into the international tin market, buying up most of Malaysia's tin production. Prices skyrocketed, but landed with a thud after the U.S. government began selling tin from a federal stockpile. Mr. Rich was reported to have lost more than $60 million.

The collapse of communism offered Mr. Rich new opportunities, opening up vast new markets and a host of business partners with few scruples when it came to turning a profit. After the Soviet Union fell apart in 1991, these relationships helped Mr. Rich become for a time the single most important Western trader in Russia.

Some analysts say they believe that, after a lifetime of chasing deals, Mr. Rich may be slowing down. "Margins are much tighter now than they used to be," said Jonathan Bearman, editor of Energy Compass, a leading oil industry newsletter.

Others see his successful campaign for a pardon as the crowning play in a career packed with similar maneuvers. "This guy is the greatest trader in the 20th century," said Mr. Weinberg, the former prosecutor. "He orchestrated and manipulated the pardon, just like he did all his other deals."

Copyright © 2001 Washington Post Service/International Herald Tribune/Wednesday, March 14, 2001



Who's Marc Rich?
By Josh Gerstein

The pardon of Marc Rich, a billionaire oil trader who fled the United States in 1983 just before he was indicted for tax evasion and racketeering, has angered some in New York. New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, who in his role as U.S. attorney helped bring the criminal charges against Rich in the 1980s said today he was shocked that Clinton pardoned Rich. "He got on an airplane, took all his records and ran off to Switzerland, where he remained a fugitive since then, spending money buying the town," Giuliani said during a press conference. "He has made untold efforts to try to get the charges reduced including many overtures and entreaties based on the use of influence."

Quinn told the White House that changes in the law since 1983 have undercut the case against Rich. He also argued that it would be tough for the billionaire to get a fair trial because of his long stay overseas. Clinton has portrayed his pardons as acts of mercy for people unfairly entangled in the justice system. He briefly referred to Rich's case today by saying he has a "very compelling case for a pardon."

Rich has citizenship in the United States, Spain and Israel. He was indicted in 1983 by a U.S. federal grand jury on more than 50 counts of wire fraud, racketeering, trading with the enemy and evading more than $48 million in income taxes -crimes that could have earned him more than 300 years in prison.

He allegedly made vast profits through a huge, illegal oil pricing scheme in the wake of the 1973 oil crisis and evaded taxes by shifting profits from his U.S. subsidiary to the parent company in low-tax Switzerland. He also was accused of making deals with Iran during the U.S. embassy hostage crisis in Tehran.








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OPL246 und k e i n Ende


Nigeria: 2007, Elongation And Oil Politics
Daily Champion (Lagos) May 25, 2006
Posted to the web May 26, 2006
Mohammed Dansule
Lagos

May 16, 2006, will constitute a milestone in the march of our inchoate democracy to maturity. On that day, the lawmakers in Abuja uncharacteristically took the side of the people that ought to have elected them against those political "Babas" that actually selected them. They thwarted the main "Baba's" ambition to rule Nigeria for the fourth time.

Understandably, there is euphoria and celebrations across the land. But as we click glasses and toast our lawmakers, we should give a thought to the victims of 2007, the victims of official high-handedness and crude attempts to browbeat everyone into submission through economic strangulation. Let us give a thought to General T.Y. Danjuma, his South Atlantic Petroleum Limited and the recent attempt made to expropriate through revocation of his oil prospecting licence, OPL 246 which is due to expire in March 2008.

You will recall that this is the same Danjuma who along with other members of the Class of '66 thought that in 1999 they needed a General Obasanjo to coax the military bull out of Nigeria's China shop. Chief Obasanjo's task was a simple one, to complete the General Abubakar transition by taking Democracy from its 1999 half-way house to its citadel and permanent abode in 2003. In 2003 Chief Obasanjo asked for extra-time and was reluctantly given. His friend and Chief promoter, General Danjuma, told Mr. President that he would strive to get him re-elected but would not be a part of the administration.

When rumours of a life presidential ambition surfaced forthright Gen. Danjuma sought clarifications from Mr. President and got assurances that there was no iota of truth in those satanic rumours. A search party for an acceptable successor was initiated, preliminary eliminations were carried out and a shortlist arrived at.

The first sign of danger was seen in the arrest and quizzing by the EFCC of a likeable, Lagos-compliant retired general whose name was on the shortlist. Then the bombshell in March 2006. First, a bit of flashback. By the end of 2005, Nigerians were keen to know where General Danjuma stood on 2007 and the tenure elongation agenda of Aso rock tenants. A function of the Middle Belt Forum offered him the opportunity to speak out. True to character, he condemned it outright and voiced his whole-hearted opposition to such political adventurism. Weeks later, the government responded through the Directorate of Petroleum Resources, DPR. It decreed the mandatory relinquishment or forfeiture of OPL 246 disregarding the 2008 expiry date.

What was the authority for this action? It was the Oil Prospecting Licenses (conversion to oil mining leases, etc. regulations 2004. Now this particular regulation had a very interesting history which I shall briefly sketch. Having expended at least $755m, on oil prospecting in OPL 246, South Atlantic Petroleum Ltd and its partners, Total Upstream Nigeria Ltd and Brasoil Oil Services Company Nigeria Ltd), struck oil. In keeping with extant regulations, they applied for the conversion of OPL 246 to Oil Mining Lease, OML. That was in September 2003. A presidential aide told newly re-elected President Olusegun Obasanjo that General Danjuma stood to make a whopping $600m from his 60 per cent share of the oil descovered. A presidency source told this writer that Mr. President exclaimed, $600m for one man? He forgot that this one man bore 60 per cent of the $755m it cost to discover oil since the allocation granted February 23, 1998, was made on sole risk basis, meaning that the al lottee alone bore the costs of exploration while govenment collected up to 50 per cent of petroleum profits by way of petroleum profits tax.

To ensure that one man did not collect $600m, the government came up with the Oil Prospecting Licences (Conversion to Oil Mining leases, etc) Regulations 2004 on 2nd December 2004. That regulation left General Denajuma's company with 10 per cent (from 60 per cent) and in the process made him a minority shareholder in a consortium that had two foreign partners whose 40 per cent shareholding was left intact. Government arrogated to itself 50 per cent, all taken from the indigenous member of the consortium. General Danjuma reluctantly accepted the arrangement, in the overall interest of the nation, notwithstanding the fact that this particular regulation was the child of envy and spite.

Let me quickly point out that in making allocations of oil blocks on sole risk basis government reserves for itself "back-in-rights" once oil is located in commercial quantity. But this right comes with the understanding that the reserved right of government to participate would be subject to negotiation and the exercise of the reserved right to participate would preserve the economic interests of the applicants. None of these was taken into consideration in this case. Which is sad for it negates government's much-vaunted commitment to greater indigenous participation in the upstream petroleum sector. That programme actually predates the Obasanjo administration. It was actually initiated in 1991 by Professor Jubril Aminu as Petroleum Resources Minister, as a programme to accelerate indigenous participation in the Nigerian oil industry. Dubbed Indigenous Concession Programme, ICP, it was effected through the discretionary award of acreages to indigenous or Nigerian-owned compa nies. As a matter of fact preferential treatment was accorded to indigenous bidders who participated in the 1991 bidding round for oil acreages. It was in the spirit of the Petroleum Act No 51 of 1969, which repealed the Minerals Oil Act of 1914 under which participation in exploration and production activities in Nigerian oil sector was preserved exclusively for British companies. The 1969 law limited participation to Nigerian citizens and Nigerian registered companies. The Petroleum Amendment Decree 1998 limited participation to Nigerian companies only.

The ICP sought to expand the scope of Nigerian participation in the oil industry and diversify the sources of investment and funds flow, increase exploration efforts in Nigeria and thereby increase the oil and gas reserves base, achieve technological advancement through transfer of technology to Nigerians; ensure that Nigerians also benefit from the country's national resources and achieve national control of the oil industry.

This was the basis for General Danjuma's foray into the oil business. It is worth emphasizing that at the time of allocation in 1998, the magnitude of potential reserves was unknown and because the exploration was highly speculative, the government smartly made "sole risk", the basis for allocation.

The unserious "rent - collectors" that flocked the oil industry on account of the 1998 patriotic legislation fell by the wayside. Serious operators such as CONOIL and South Atlantic Petroleum persevered and could prosper if left unfettered by envious technocrats and punitive politicians.

Messrs Daukoru and Chukwueke, two Shell operatives seconded to the Nigerian oil industry, sought to explain away government's action without success. They resorted to personalities and accused General Danjuma of greed.

Their argument is that having gotten an oil mining lease from a portion of their oil prospecting lease, South Atlantic Petroleum should mandatorily forfeit the balance of the base even though it is still valid till 2008 and the law permits it to have carved out for it as many oil mining leases as possible from its oil prospecting lease. In layman's language, it is like government giving one a large acreage to prospect oil, you strike oil in more than one place in your lease the govenment gives you licence to mine oil in only one and asks you by regulation to forfeit the rest. When you dare to remind the same government that that is not the law it directs its hirelings to call you names, greedy for one in the hope that Nigerians would say that is right, let him be satisfied with one. But if that is equitable regulation, why does it not apply to foreign companies like Mr. Chukwueke's Shell for example? Nigerians are asking, when did General Danjuma become greedy, when he public ly opposed third team? Somebody is certainly greedy for power.

As an ordinary Nigerian I cannot help wondering aloud - if they can do it to General Danjuma, what chance, what safeguard, what protection do we have when we invest our lifesavings in our fatherland. This is certainly food-for-thought to go with our celebratory champagne.

To summarize, let me sketch what the position is as of date:

1. The interest holders in OPL 246 are General Danjuma's South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (60 per cent), Total Upstream Nigeria Limited (TOTAL) (24 per cent) and Brasoil Oil Services Company Nigeria Limited (PETROBRAS) (16 per cent). The licence will expire in March 2008.

2. Upon issuance of the second OML, the Federal Government of Nigeria exercised its "back-in-rights" whereby it acquired a fifty per cent interest from the sixty per cent owned by South Atlantic Petroleum, leaving the indigenous company with only a 10 per cent holding where it formerly had 60 per cent.

3. Neither the Petroleum Act and the Regulations nor the Deed Letters of Allocation and Extension of OPL 246 contain any specific conditions pertaining to relinquishment of the remaining portions of OPL 246. It is in fact expected that having shown technical competence in developing OPL to OML, granting of additional OML from OPL will be a formality.

4. OPL 246 has not been relinquished and the interest holders have no intention to voluntarily relinquish it. Its allocation to a third party will amount to expropriation.

It is important to note that when South Atlantic Petroleum and its partners voluntarily relinquished the Special Regime Area in favour of the Joint Development Zone, the allottee of the new block refused to pay the Signature Bonus until they received the relinquishment documents duly signed by OPL 246 interest holders.

5. The government exercising its powers in a most punitive manner against South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (an indigenous company) and TOTAL and PETROBRAS (foreign investors quoted in the international stock exchange) will set a dangerous and unhealthy precedent and will impact negatively on investors confidence in Nigeria.

6. It is in the interest of Nigeria to maintain the sanctity of the Contracts (Deeds) it signs and not arbitrarily erode the value of investments, because of political or any consideration.

The rule of law will stand on the side of investors who received a Deed from the Government, paid the required Signature Bonus and have invested millions of dollars in exploration and development activities.

If compelled to resort to court action to nullify government's intention to expropriate OPL 246, this will paralyze further exploration and development of the potentially prolific OPL 246 for a long time thereby affecting the ability of Nigeria to achieve the desired reserves and daily production capacity in 2010.

The litigation can be extended to the international courts. That will attract the interest of international public and private investment institutions. The World Bank has suggested that security of tenure is vital to private participation in the extractive sectors.

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria: Danjuma's Oil Firm Suit 'll Destabilize Oil Sector, FG Tells Court






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Vanguard (Lagos)
May 26, 2006
Posted to the web May 26, 2006
Innocent Anaba
Lagos

THE Federal Government yesterday told a Federal High Court sitting in Lagos, that the suit by South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPETRO), an indigenous oil firm owned by former Defence Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, over the relinquished portion of its Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 246, is capable of disrupting the entire petroleum and gas section of the country, if the prayers sought by the company is granted.

Government in a second affidavit, deposed to by one Dr Henry Oke, a Deputy Director in the Department of Petroleum Resources, said "I should draw the court's attention to the catastrophic consequences that would ensue were the court to accede to SAPETRO's application.

It would literally put the Federal Government of Nigeria's oil and gas policy and administration into turmoil and open a floodgate of potential claims from previous OPL holders who, based upon the SAPETRO example, might be tempted to ask for a return to them of the unconverted portions of their previous OPLs. Such requests would have serious consequences for the country's policy and administration of the nation's oil and gas resources."

Dr Oke in the averment, further said, "At page 1 is a schedule entitled '2006 Mini-Bid Round--- Summary Results', showing the outcome of the mini bid conference held last Friday, 19 May 2006 for the auction of OPLs. I can confirm that about 10 of the OPLs on that schedule, ie numbers 9 to 18, are relinquished OPLs following conversion of the previous OPLs into OMLs. It is apparent from the schedule that OPLs numbered 1 to 3, and 5 to 8 have retained their previous labels, while the OPLs numbered 9 to 18 without a single exception have all been re-labelled. This can be seen by comparing the columns entitled 'Old Block" and "New Block" on the left hand side of the schedule".

"It is important to bear in mind that a number of the holders of the relinquished OPLs which are listed in the schedule and were auctioned during last Friday's mini-bid round wanted to convert the unconverted portion of their previous OPLs into additional OMLs. These requests were refused. In this regard and by way of examples only, I draw attention to the following: At pages 2 to 5 is NNPC's letter to the Director of DPR dated 7 October 2004, which set out the FGN's policy regarding OML conversions and commented upon a number of OPLs in respect of which the holders wanted second OMLs. The OPLs included 209, 211, 212, 213, 217, 218, 219 and 220, all of which were relinquished by previous holders and relabelled and made available for the mini-bid round that was held on Friday, 19 May 2006. More importantly, the NNPC letter made it clear that the FGN's policy is that only one OML should be issued from an OPL".

Meanwhile, counsel to SAPETRO, My Candide-Johnson (SAN), described as misleading the averment of Dr Oke, contending that the Minister of Petroleum Resources have not power to declare any OPL mandatorily relinquished.

According to Candide-Johnson, "no revocation can be done without following section 29 of the Schedule of the Petroleum Act of 1969, Cap 350, Laws of the Federation, 1990", contending further that the Minister acted outside his powers by asserting that a portion of OPL 246 has been mandatorily relinquished.

He prayed the court to grant the prayers of the plaintiff, which includes:

* An order of injunction restraining the "respondent by himself, his agent, privies, delegates or howsoever otherwise from doing any acts or omitting to do any acts in a manner that is inconsistent with the Applicant's right and/or legitimate expectation to a grant of an additional OML from the remaining area of OPL 246".

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* A declaration that by virtue of Petroleum Act 1968 and all subsidiary legislation thereunder including OPL (Conversion to Oil Mining, Leases, etc) Regulations 2004, its rights and interest in OPL 246 remained extant for its express tenure (until March 2008) notwithstanding the grant of OML 130 out of the area of OPL 246.

* A declaration that the decision of the Minister in two letters in March 2006 asserting the "mandatory" relinquishment or forfeiture of OPL 246 without its consent is "perverse, arbitrary, capricious irrational and unreasonable, a unilateral and unlawful confiscation of the rights and interest granted to the applicant under OPL 246, is wrongful and exceeds the power granted to the Minister of Petroleum Resources" under existing legislation.

Further hearing in the matter has been adjourned till June 5 and 7, 2006

[myk-45]

T H E C O R P O R A T E C O U N C I L O N A F R I C A M E M B E R S

Seite 48

EnerGulf Resources Inc.
EnerGulf Resources Inc. is a Vancouver
based resource and exploration company
trading on the Toronto TSX Venture
Exchange (trading symbol ENG) and the
Frankfurt Exchange (EKS). EnerGulf
Resources Inc. is Yukon registered company
with wholly owned subsidiaries EnerGulf
Corporation (Texas) and EnerGulf Africa Ltd.

http://www.africacncl.org/AfricaJournal/AJ_2006_Spring.pdf

[gipsywoman]

weil du ja nun endlich auch bei den "rich boys" angekommen bist, hier noch was!

http://www.businessweek.com/magazine/content/05_29/b3943080.…

[gipsywoman]

übrigens:

unter den interessenten für den tangablock in tanzania befindet sich die unter der total france hierarchie agierende petrodel!

diese wird ebenfalls von einem "rich-abkömmling" geleitet!
petrodel und sahara sind beide auf der isle of man ansässig!
bg und sahara sind in nigeria!

und petrodel heißt - petrofina delaware!

du siehst - die verzweigungen reichen weit, weit, weit!

aber, googel selbst noch einbißchen!

[gipsywoman]

http://www.badcorp.org/hierarchy.cfm?SearchType=Choosen&sear…

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria: FG: Danjuma's Suit Endangers Nigeria's Oil Policy


This Day (Lagos)
May 26, 2006
Posted to the web May 27, 2006
Chika Amanze-Nwachuku
Lagos

The Federal Government has warned that should the Federal High Court, Lagos grant the reliefs being sought by South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPE-TRO), over its relinquished Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 246, the country's oil and gas policy would be put in jeopardy.

According to the government, about 10 blocks, relinquished by previous holders were among the ones made available for the 2006 Mini Bid Round held Friday (May 19).

The relinquished OPLs, government argued, were re-labeled and auctioned during the May 19 Mini Bid, after it (government) refused requests by their previous holders to convert the unconverted portion of the OPLs into additional Oil Mining Lease (OML).

The government, therefore, warned against what it called the "catastrophic consequences" that would ensue, should the application brought before the Federal High Court, Lagos by SAPETRO, an indigenous company owned by former Defense Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma succeeds.

It also cautioned that in the event the court grants Danjuma's reliefs, "it would literally put the Federal Government of Nigeria's (FGN's) oil and gas policy and administration into turmoil and open a floodgate of potential claims from previous OPL holders who, based upon the SAPETRO example, might be tempted to ask for a return to them of the unconverted portions of their previous OPLs", noting that it would portend a great danger for the government policy and administration of the nation's oil and gas resources.

The Federal Government, which made these disclosures in its second affidavit, filed by its lead counsel, Professor Fidelis Odita, SAN (QC), stated that in accordance with international petroleum industry practice, the residue of OPL 246 has retained its identification number "246" largely for reasons of convenience because of the petroleum information and data already associated with that number. The government, respondent in the matter, has exhibited what it called a paginated clip of documents" to buttress its position in the matter.

The documents include summary results of the just concluded mini - bid conference, which showed that 10 of the OPLs on that schedule 9 - 18 were OPLs relinquished following conversion of the previous OPLs into OML.

"It is apparent from the schedule that OPLs numbered 1 - 3, and 5 - 8 have retained their previous labels, while the OPLs numbered 9 - 18, without a single exception have all been re-labeled.

The government made reference to pages two to five of a letter dated October 7, 2004 written by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to the Director of Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), and stated that the letter set out government's policy regarding OML conversions and commented upon a number of OPLs in respect of which the holders wanted second OMLs.

The said letter, according to the government's affidavit, listed the OPLs to include; 209, 211, 212, 213, 217, 218, 219 and 220, all of which it said, were relinquished by previous holders, re-labeled and made available for the last Friday mini - bid round.

While noting that the NNPC letter made it clear that the FGN's policy is that only one OML should be issued from an OPL, it pointed out that OPL 216 was granted to Famfa Oil Limited, an indigenous oil company similar to SAMPETRO, but that the company's application on March 28, 2003, for two OMLs was refused and that the relinquished unconverted portion of what was previously OPL 216 was OPL 291 and was auctioned during the mini- bid.

The previous OPL 209 held by Esso, now part of ExxonMobil Group, re-labeled OPL 279 was won by ONGC-Mittal in the mini- bid round, the affidavit said, while the relinquished OPL 217, previously held by Statoil was re-labeled and sold to INC Natural Resources in the said mini- bid conference.

But lead counsel for SAPETRO, Mr. Charles Candide-Johnson, SAN, while addressing the court yesterday, submitted that the government's second affidavit as well as the documents attached to it, were misleading, adding that the Production Sharing Contract relied upon by the respondent, is different from that which is applicable to OPL.

He described as intimidating the averrement by the Government that the success of the SAPETRO's application would affect FG's oil and gas policy, and maintained that his client is not concerned with additional OML, but the remnant of its OPL 246.

He submitted that the affidavit of the government started with misdirection and ended with intimidation, contained no material facts.

The counsel further argued that the issue is not the Minister's discretion, but whether any law compulsorily revokes the balance of an OPL.

He therefore urged the court to restrain the relinquishment of SAPETRO's OPL 246, maintaining that his client's OPL 246 will only expire in March 2008.

Meanwhile, the government counsel disagreed with the allegation of intimidation by Candide-Johnson and submitted that the government, by the said averrement, only wanted to make known the impact which the court's position in the matter could have on government's oil and gas policy. The counsel will however open his argument in the matter at the next adjourned date, June 5.

SAPETRO, had in the suit, prayed the court to among others; declare that by virtue of Petroleum Act 1968 and all subsidiary legislation thereunder including OPL (Conversion to Oil Mining, Leases, etc) Regulations 2004, its rights and interest in OPL 246 remained extant for its express tenure (until March 2008) notwithstanding the grant of OML 130 out of the area of OPL 246.

South Atlantic also sought a declaration that the decision of the Minister in two letters in March 2006 asserting the "mandatory" relinquishment or forfeiture of OPL 246 without its consent is "perverse, arbitrary, capricious irrational and unreasonable, a unilateral and unlawful confiscation of the rights and interest granted to the applicant under OPL 246, is wrongful and exceeds the power granted to the Minister of Petroleum Resources" under existing legislation.

The applicant company also sought an order of injunction restraining the "respondent by himself, his agent, privies, delegates or howsoever otherwise from doing any acts or omitting to do any acts in a manner that is inconsistent with the Applicant's right and/or legitimate expectation to a grant of an additional OML from the remaining area of OPL 246".

[Feuerblume]

The ethanol project: Why we embarked on ethanol programme— Kupolokun
EMMA UJAH, Asst. Business Editor
Posted to the Web: Sunday, May 28, 2006



The Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) has embarked upon a programme of linkage between the nation's oil and gas industry and the agricultural sectors in order to accelerate Nigeria's economic growth through the production of ethanol, an alternative fuel produced from fermenting and distilling starch crops. In this case, cassava and sugar cane, which will make up ten per cent of petroleum products in Nigeria. The group managing director of NNPC, Engr. Funso Moses Kupolokun, explains issues raised about the project.

What do you intend to achieve from the ethanol project?

Two big boys. One has great potential that is grossly under-utilised that is agricultural sector, facing severe production needs as a result of population growth worldwide, especially in Nigeria, huge employment potentials but largely under-funded. The second big boy is the oil and gas sector with growing oil reserves, huge investments, huge revenue. However, in terms of employment very low. Therefore, there is a compelling need for these two sectors to work together to create jobs and wealth and accelerate the economy.

A few snap shots about the agricultural sector: contributing 41 per cent of the country’s GDP, about 65 per cent of employment, provides employment to about 80 per cent of the rural population, almost 90 percent of Nigeria’s poor population are engaged in agriculture. But this important sector is faced with many inhibitions: adverse climatic conditions, poor and excessive land usage, poor management of resources, environmental degradation, infrastructural deficiencies, lack of rural electrification, poor research and development, unaffordable inputs and above all inadequate funding.

What do we do? In the immediate, we need to leverage local content initiative. We will expand the industry’s community relations programme in agriculture. Gas to fertilizer scheme and the biofuel programme. What we found when we came in was that the NNPC and the oil industry was like an ivory tower unto themselves without linkage to the broader economy. And we say no. This cannot continue. We should link ourselves with the economy. Agriculture being the single largest sector of the economy was identified as the best linkage initiative beneficiary. That was how we decided to embark on the ethanol project through which cassava and sugar cane can be used to make up of ten per cent of our petrol refining.

lt's not for us at this stage to say this is how much we need to do this. It is for us to attract investors, the investors will then decide where to invest. Maybe in Benue State, here. He will then do his feasibility studies, he will know what the challenges are there and whether he wants the yield to be X or Y. So it is too early to say how much.

The first challenge is to say we are doing a new industry. You are an investor, there are opportunities here, you are an investor please come in. We are revamping our import reception facilities, so if we produce ethanol, say in Benue State, for instance, we then use tankers and truck it to Port-Harcourt. And then, we have a dedicated tank and use it for ethanol. And then we have another tank that will now mix ethanol with petrol in the ratio 90-10, 90 petrol, 10 ethanol. That is why we call it the e-l0 programme.

If you add 10 per cent to petrol, that 10 per cent of petrol you have not added is not always there. Because you are bringing in ethanol because of the environmental advantage, because it is environmentally more friendly, it is cheaper. So you are saving more. Our initial estimate shows that we will be saving a $150 million per annum.

But is not just about saving money. It is about creating an industry where you link the oil industry with the agricultural sector. Jobs will be provided. Our initial estimate is talking about 200,000 jobs that could be created, once the project takes off If you have 200,000 unemployed youths being employed and they are paid salaries as attractive as they would otherwise get in the banks, why will they come to Abuja. Or why would they be interested in vandalising pipelines.

That is what we are saying. We want to create wealth in the rural areas. As you heard the other gentleman asking about food prices and so on. The question is: are we going to produce this thing in a mechanised manner. So the price will be right. We are going to have an integrated programme. We are going to produce efficiently so the price will be right.

Even then the question I have been asking and will keep asking is, who says that the farmer who is producing cassava for ethanol must earn low prices for his farm produce? Who says the farmer should not be a rich man? Who says its only you and me that should be riding cars? Of course the farmer also, let him produce his cassava and with appropriate pricing from the oil industry, let him also ride the best car in town. I don’t see any problem in that. We are talking to virtually any state that is interested. But it just that for these two states, we have reached the stage of MoU.

Ethanol is cheering news for cassava farmers — Prof Ochapa Onazi, former University of Jos VC

Even though it contributes about seven per cent to the Gross Domestic Product, agriculture still remains the basic industry of the people, not only because it contributes to the their livelihood but more importantly it employs the majority of the labour force in the country, therefore, it must necessarily be energized so that it can continue to produce abundantly to sustain the people and to maintain their well being and economic resources.
In a study conducted by my humble self in 1993 on private sector participation in agricultural research, commissioned by the World Bank on behalf of the special programme for African Agricultural Research, we found to our greatest surprise that the multinational corporations made little or no contributions in support of research in agriculture.
This linkage being headed by the NNPC is more interesting because it shows a new development bringing about a multinational support for agriculture. Reading vanguard newspaper of today (May 19, 2006), I saw a heart warming news item about the Cassava Growers Association going into collaboration with the NNPC to produce 4 million litres of ethanol annually from cassava for processing of crude oil.

We are elated — Gov. Akume
Our people are elated about the idea of using cassava and sugarcane to produce ethanol as it would result in large scale job creation with a capacity to uplift the economic status of the people of the state. The cultivation of cassava and sugarcane would be accelerated through government support services to farmers and by providing them with improved seedlings as well as, other inputs that could enhance their productivity.

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria’s Oil And Law For What?
By
Mamman Lawan Yusufari
[e-mail]


A minor village market squabble led to the invitation of one of the parties, who happened to be wealthy, to the police station. To ‘enhance their bargaining position’, the police locked the man up, later unlocked him and demanded for a ‘bail fee’. His response was that his money should have shielded him from the cell filth and associated embarrassment. Having been subjected to them, he saw no sense in double jeopardy and therefore he declined. His philosophy is that wealth should be means to high objectives in life and certainly dignity is one of such objectives.

This philosophy is old. It is scriptural. And Aristotle had noted it when he said “wealth is evidently not the good we are seeking; for it is merely useful and for the sake of something else”. The philosophy is generally believed and that is why a rich, but self-depriving person, is often lambasted. Of what use is the wealth if it cannot fetch him at least basic human needs? Same perplexing question can be (and is in fact) extended to nations as artificial persons. Why should people in a rich country be saddled with the yoke of deprivations?

Nigeria is one such nation that must answer this question. Her paradox of needs in the midst of plenty is perennial. The country is oil-rich yet she grapples with the shackles of poverty, illiteracy, diseases, etc. The problem is not peculiar to Nigeria though. Popularly known as the ‘Dutch Disease’ or ‘Resource Curse’, it has been a thorn in the developmental flesh of the oil-rich Venezuela, Mexico, Algeria, etc. But it is more pronounced in Nigeria. Reason: she is the only oil-rich country featuring among the low- ranking countries in human development according to the UNDP Human Development Index 2005. And she ranked 158th out of 177 countries surveyed! She is not only on the same level with countries with no such fortune, others have outrun her.

General Gowon’s statement that Nigeria’s problem was not money but how to spend it could be said to be more valid today than when it was made in the 1970s. The opulence now is unprecedented in history. Yet decay stares us in the face with more effrontery. Looking back, one could say Nigeria is a “Garden of Eden in decay”. The evidence speaks for itself. The past is remembered with nostalgia, the present looks dim, and the future bleak. The certainty of tomorrow’s uncertainty makes today’s difficulty more difficult.

Ordinarily, resources should provide a springboard for human development. But Nigeria’s over $350 billion oil revenue since exploration in commercial quantity started has little to show for it. Save for few commendable efforts, Nigeria has not lived up to expectation as a nation. To the Niger Delta communities, oil has become a source of inter-communal conflicts, life-endangering environmental pollution, oil spillages, etc. And recently, oil has become a source of threat to the continued corporate existence of Nigeria. The threatening militants may not be self-sponsored, but the claim for a better life in the region cannot be dismissed as frivolous. Just recently, President Obasanjo admitted that governments have over the years failed the people of the region. Agreed. But what about people of other regions, Mr. President? People whose sufferings ironically increase by increase in the nation’s wealth? Do grants from oil revenue not reach their various governments? Can their miseries be justified?

Certain causes of this paradox have been identified: over-reliance on the oil sector for revenue generation; creation and influence of class interests; rent-seeking and consequent urban drift; corruption; mismanagement etc. Over 90% of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earning comes from the oil sector. Agriculture has suffered such that Nigeria has to import some foodstuff. ‘Easy’ money has not only created the class of the untouchables, but has left pursuit of ‘hard’ money to the ‘unprivileged’ ones. The village farmer would rather send money home from ‘where things happen’ than ‘wasting’ time in the farm. Usually, he ends up deluded, neither in farm nor ‘where things happen’.

Various governments have ‘tried’ to undo the paradox but to no avail. ‘Development’ ‘aid’ from UN, USAID, DFID and similar agencies seem to merely rub salt into the nagging wound. ‘Development’ projects by the transnational oil companies in discharge of the corporate social responsibility have been too inconsequential having regard to the pervading decay. In search of a magic wand, solutions proffered and tried have been either politico-economic approaches or those tilting towards total ‘de-linking’. Gowon showered ‘Udoji’. Babangida adopted ‘chop-make-I-chop’. Abacha called the West’s bluff. And “Abachanjo” favours term elongation to consolidate “con-Soludo-tion”.

It is no exaggeration to say that most of the state governments (let alone local governments) will ‘close shops’ in less than six months of stoppage of the statutory grants (God forbid!). Even delays have thrown some states off balance. One wonders whether the oil money is as evaporative as the oil. With a focused vision and prudence, what accrued from oil over the bounty years ought to have taken us to the promised land. In other words, human development in Nigeria - measured mainly by level of poverty, rate of literacy, standard of health, etc. - is not commensurate with economic development - measured insufficiently by GNP per capita.

The oil wealth has not done well. What about the legal wealth? Could law be a possible cure for the Dutch Disease? The philosophy that material wealth should be instrumental is applicable to institutional and intellectual wealth as well. Modern states no longer limit the purpose of law to social control. Law provides an economic framework by protecting proprietary rights (through laws of crime, torts, contract, etc.) and facilitating commerce (through laws of partnership, company, investment, securities, etc.).

Law is also essential not only in creating a strong state, but also in checking the state’s abuse of power. It gives room for calculability and predictability. The consciousness of legal actors to the utility of law determines the substance, application and teaching of the law. Thus legislators, judges, lawyers, executive officers, law teachers and all other personnel of the legal system ought to be development-conscious in the discharge of their respective duties.

How then have the sub-systems of the Nigerian legal system operated in the context of the oil-driven economy? Clearly, there are development-friendly legislation on the oil sector. The Petroleum Act for instance began by vesting entire ownership and control of all petroleum in, under or upon any land in the state. It also provides that only Nigerian citizens or companies incorporated in Nigeria may be granted rights to oil exploration licence, oil prospecting licence and oil mining licence. Other oil-related laws like the Petroleum (Drilling and Production) Regulations, Petroleum Profit Tax Act, Environmental Protection Act, Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) Act, Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) Decree, Niger Delta Development Commission Act, etc. also have developmental effects on Nigeria.

The judiciary too has not been lax. Fresh in our memory is the decision of the Supreme Court making the federal government trustee of moneys in the Federation Account, hence accountable to the states and local governments as beneficiaries; limiting the application of the 13% derivation formula to onshore resource revenue only; declaring as unconstitutional the 1% allocation to the Federal Capital Territory from, and charging cost of Joint Venture Contracts and NNPC projects to, the Federation Account; etc.

Evidence abound that resource-endowed countries have centralized power structure. In particular, studies have linked political instability and bastardization of constitution in Nigeria to her oil wealth. In a courageous attempt to safeguard the constitution, the Supreme Court decided that the military coup of 1966 did not amount to a revolution and therefore the constitution was still the supreme law of the land. Law-makers can render ineffectual court decisions. The junta did so, unfortunately, having reacted swiftly by promulgating a decree to the contrary thereby giving itself a carte blanche.

Putting law into positive use is one challenging aspect of the lawyers’ work as social engineers holding ‘the balancing metaphor’. It is an essential aspect of development. It brings to the fore rule of law as an important doctrine for development. Here, Gani Fawehimi SAN has written his name on the sand of time. Among his many public interest cases, he caused a court to stop the office of the first lady from milking the state treasury in the name of ‘Better Life for Rural Women’. Gani’s activism is enviable.

However, it is one thing to have an oil-wealth-protecting legal regime and entirely another thing for it to ensure that the wealth trickles down. Has the law ensured distributive justice beyond inter-governmental level? Of course the law in books has done that. But what about law in action? How have the legislatures fared for instance? Clearly, their constitutional powers of impeachment for gross misconduct have rarely been exercised despite adequate evidences to support action. Indeed the Bayelsa Assembly did creditably well for firing Alam. But the fire was long overdue. And many of the ex-Governor’s peers ought to have suffered the same fate. The legislative lull is so great that despite the squandermania, we do not hear about investigations into executive affairs for the purpose of exposing corruption or waste in the disbursement or administration of funds appropriated by a legislature.

The legislatures suffer confidence crisis. They are seen largely as a collection of selected self-serving puppets. However, the recent rejection of third term by the Senate has earned it a credit. But not for the resoluteness of the truly Distinguished Senators, the amendment could have sailed through. The oil wealth was both the end and means of the entire imbroglio: continued control over it was the obsession; and it financed the whole debacle. Law was an innocent conduit. It even suffered ‘desecration’ as law-makers assumed interpretive role: it was “alteration” of the constitution which required 2/3 majority by the provision of section 9(2); since the business was “amendment” of the constitution, a simple majority could suffice, some interpreted!

The judiciary too does not have a clean bill of health. It did not matter for a court to order for maintenance of status quo (over the Mantu Committee) and later to deny ordering stay of further proceedings. Perhaps the meanings of ‘order’ and ‘maintenance of status quo’ would have to be reconsidered in Nigeria’s legal lexicon. This approbation/reprobation was reminiscent of the June 12 crisis when the oil-fed untouchables made the judiciary a laughing stock by extracting from it contradictory and unenforceable orders. Again the judiciary’s complicity in suppressing social action movements in the Niger Delta is conspicuous. The ‘trial’, conviction and execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and 8 other Ogoni people by the Ibrahim Auta tribunal is evidence. The judiciary is also the resort of the police whenever they trump up charges against labour leaders protesting against oil price hike or against any other person(s) who constitute ‘security risk’. In a way, courts have been made instruments of institutional violence.

The lawyers nko?! Courts not only work with lawyers but their decisions are heavily influenced by the lawyers’ casuistry. Behind almost every judicial oppression, there are bad egg lawyers. And the good ones do not engage in public interest litigation. The Ganis are in short supply in Nigeria. The inaction of lawyers in the face of the oil paradox may be rooted in the nature of their training. Legal education emphasises rule-learning for clientele services. Thus legal practice has been reduced to a crust-earning occupation rather than a nation-building profession. And save for the recent courts boycott over the alarming executive lawlessness, the Bar Association as a pressure group has been in a deep slumber.

The begrudging conclusion is that Nigerian law is itself infected with the Dutch Disease and is therefore incapable of curing it. The cure would necessarily have to be extra-legal. We may be blessed with a revolutionary leadership. Before then, common men must unite to fight the common enemy. But then, the energy to fight is constituted by the basic things to be fought for. How can a hungry and/or uneducated man fight for a right? Only time will tell how we get out of this catch-22 situation.


Mamman Lawan wrote in from the University of Warwick Law School, England.

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria plans moon landing by 2030


Nigeria has announced plans to put the first of its countrymen on the moon by 2030, reports the People's Daily Online.

Turner Isuon, science and technology minister, confirmed that a cabinet committee has been established just for this purpose. Isuon said the committee will be responsible for the planning and budgetary arrangements needed to achieve the vision. He added that the committee is “empowered to invite Nigerians in the diaspora who are specialists in space science”.

Isuon also outlined plans to produce and launch a satellite within the next 25 years through partnerships with other nations. "As we speak, 55 young engineers are undergoing training on satellite technology in China," he said, adding that the government plans to establish the necessary institutions and infrastructure for the programme.

Finally, Isuon declared Nigeria’s commitment to reap benefits from space sciences by developing communications software and the necessary facilities in space technology.



Other sites “Nigeria draws roadmap to the moon” article from the People's Daily Online, 11 May 2006.

[Feuerblume]

Wobei es, wie eine Kommentator treffend bemerkte, zunächst einmal einige Beförderungsprobleme im Nahverkehr zu bewältigen gäbe.

[Stimmungskanone]

Feuerblume als Alleinunterhalterin bei ENG!

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.866.586 von Stimmungskanone am 29.05.06 22:23:09

Den Artikel zum "Mondfahrprogramm" des Staates Nigeria habe ich nicht ohne Grund in diesen Thread eingestellt. Vermutlich wird demnächst mal wieder eine Diskussion losgetreten werden, ob in Nigeria überhaupt die Mittel und das Knowhow für ein Drillship vorhanden sind.

Es ist auch eine schöne Analogie zum Status, den dieser Thread hatte, als ich zum ersten male hier postete. Damals wurden Ressourcen noch mit 65 USD je Barrel bewertet, heute mit Werten zwischen 4 und 5 USD. Damals gab es keine mehrjährigen Explorations- und Entwicklungszeiten, sondern man fuhr hin, bohrte ein Loch, lies einen Schlauch hinab und pumpte das Öl ab. Kongo wäre also aus dem Stand in der Lage gewesen, alle anderen Projekte zu finanzieren.

Und die Projektkosten (Bohrschiffe, Förderplattformen, Pipelines, Tanks) unterhielt man sich auch nicht. Obwohl beacker38 schon damals warnte, dass es in der Infrastruktur zwar kostensenkende Fortschritte gäbe, der Einsatz von Backroboters aber allzu verbreitet nun auch nicht sei.

Vor einem derartigen Hintergrund musste also jeder, der einigermaßen realistische Meinungen vertrat, zwangsläufig ein Basher sein. Diese Rolle nahm ich auch mit Leib und Seele wahr, weil sie sich mir geradezu aufdrängte.

Und die damals genannten Mondpreise gebaren auch ihren Analysten-Star: Red Shoes. Auch das war eine zwangsläufige Erscheinung, denn es konnte eigentlich nur abwärts gehen.

Nun ist die Sache genau umgekehrt. Die Projekte sind ein gutes Stück weiter und verlaufen im Grunde planmäßig. Allerdings sind einige ehemals überschäumende Marktteilnehmer nun offenbar bearish. Die Weltuntergangsapostel haben dagegen die Schraube noch einen Tick fester angezogen. So fest, dass man den Eindruck gewinnen muss, dass sich hier schon eine Neurose entwickelt hat, sie also selbst einen Tick haben.

Red Shoes ist natürlich auch noch dabei und hat sein Verfahren so weit optimiert, dass nun eine Heerschar von Analysten und Investmentbankern um ihre Existenz fürchten müssen. Die Beschäftigung mit Bilanzen-, Gewinn- und Verlustrechnungen, Investitionsplänen, Liquiditätsplänen, Investitionsrechnungen, CAPM-Modellen, Szeanarioanalysen, Monto-Carlo-Simulationen, alles das wird überflüssig werden: Allein mittels der im Chart liegenden Vergangenheit kann die Zukunft eines Unternehmens vorausgesagt werden.

Willkommen in der neuen Welt.

[Feuerblume]

Where Are the President’s Friends?
•NSA’s exit reduces Obasanjo’s ability to annoint a successor
By Yusuf Olaniyonu and Nduka Nwosu, 05.31.2006

Yesterday, Lt Gen. Aliyu Gusau (rtd), the only man standing amongst the musketeers or ‘Council of Elders,’ that teamed up in 1998 to persuade President Olusegun Obasanjo to run for the office of President, left his administration as National Security Adviser (NSA), a job he faithfully carried out in the last seven years.
Gusau’s exit left behind Chief Tony Anenih, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Board of Trustees chairman as the only man in that original team still in Obasanjo’s kitchen cabinet.
Gusau was perhaps the originator of the campaign to draft Obasanjo to the presidential contest in 1998 when the Abdulsalam Abubakar regime unfolded its transition programme for returning the country to a civilian, democratic dispensation. Gusau reached out to his friend General Ibrahim Babangida, ex-military president, as well as the Alhaji Atiku Abubakar led Yar’Adua Group known as the Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM) that provided the political structure which helped Obasanjo move round the country to contest the elections with minimum hassle.
Gusau was also said to have sold the Obasanjo candidacy to the Abubakar regime, a situation that made the Obasanjo for president project a fait accompli, since he was seen in many quarters as the official candidate of the military. To even seal this unwritten pact, the former Director of Military Intelligence and Chief of Army Staff was at the head of operations where he supervised the wheels and deals that eventually brought Obasanjo to power. In that campaign machinery, Lt. Gen Theophilus Danjuma (rtd) was incharge of fund raising while General Babangida was actively networking for the group. On the field, the PDM unleashed its foot soldiers who went round the country campaigning, preaching and disseminating the OBJ For President mantra.
At one end was Chief Tony Anenih who, because of his ability to settle naughty issues, providing a smooth playing field for the campaign machinery, was christened ‘Mr. Fix It.’ It was therefore not surprising to political pundits that among the first set to make the new president’s key appointments was the Zamfara born Gusau who clinched the job of NSA.
Yesterday, however, was a sad note and end for those sentiments and hopes built on an elder statesman and a friend to whom much was given, with the expectation that at the end of eight years, those who rallied to make the position possible would look back with minimum regret. Gusau’s exit, no doubt, is an anti-climax that completes the circle of the old brigade of friends now turned enemy of the president. According to Aso Rock sources, Gusau left in circumstances which left a sour taste in the mouth. Gusau’s exit is only a continuum of the massive loss of the president’s friends, admirers and sponsors, a phenomenon that is yet to abate at different levels.
The president’s third term agenda was bitterly fought by Atiku, Danjuma and the Babangida camp that ordinarily in this dispensation had been strange bedfellows but united by one purpose, to make sure the president failed in his tenure elongation mission. They had taken potshots at the president for nursing a tenure extension plan. Before the third term crisis broke out, President Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku had openly traded accusations over issues of loyalty. Atiku, who openly said he was being marginalised from government and party affairs because the president was planning an undemocratic project, has been shooting straight at the roof using every opportunity of a public speech to attack the president and the PDP.
Apart from these top political pointsmen, other close political associates of the president who played key roles in his ascension to power have also fallen out with him. They include Chief J.S.P. Nwokolo, an old time friend and renowned accountant who helped sell Obasanjo’s candidacy in the South-east. Chief Solomon Lar, the first PDP Chairman who rallied the party to achieve victory for Obasanjo at the 1999 presidential polls and Chief Sunday Awoniyi who conducted the PDP convention where Obasanjo emerged as PDP flagbearer. Also, Chief Johnson Fasawe, a businessman and friend of the president, who was like his aid-de-camp before and immediately after the president assumed power and Chief Simeon Bakare a.k.a. Oluwalogbon who donated his mighty office in Ikeja as head office of Obasanjo Campaign Organisation, have long broken ranks with the president.
Another original member of the Obasanjo corps of friends, Chief S. M. Afolabi fell out with the president shortly before he died. Also, Chief John Olopade, one of the key supporters of Obasanjo has also become estranged just as the head of the president’s prayer group, Reverend Aliyu Yusuf Obaje, who was Aso Rock Chaplain, has fallen out with him just like Doyin Okupe and even political godson Onukaba Adoniyi Ojo. The list is an impressive reading which will go on beyond the pages of this analysis.
The President seems to be acting out Nicholo Machiavelli’s exhortation to the Medicci king in his classic, The Prince, when he wrote that a prince who comes to power with a borrowed or foreign troop must move quickly to destroy that troop and build his own army. If the president is adopting the Machiavellian tactic, the question being raised by analysts is: where are the president’s friends and of what stuff are they made? More importantly, has the president forgotten the dictum in military strategy that a general is as good as his troops?
Obasanjo’s new set of friends are now Gen. Abdullahi Muhammed (rtd) who is the Chief of Staff in the presidency, Dr. Andy Uba, the president’s Special Assistant on domestic affairs, Senator Ahmadu Alli, PDP National Chairman, Chief Ojo Maduekwe, PDP National Secretary, Anenih and Prof. Jerry Gana, PDP BOT Secretary. Others include Commodore Bode George (rtd), PDP National Vice Chairman, (South) and Senator Kanu Agabi (SAN).
With the exception of a handful of these names, many of the president’s men are seen as political Lilliputians who derive their relevance from the president instead of bringing much value to his politics. However, many analysts are of the opinion that the exit of Gusau has a grave implication for the president especially as he moves into the critical mass of the twilight of his tenure. This is partly anchored on the understanding that Gusau’s exit from the presidency may reduce the capability of the president to successfully anoint a successor.
This is so because for seven years that the man has been the nation’s security chief, it has been possible to curtail him and his political worldview. Gusau with his vast intelligence background is a man with wide network of friends and tremendous resources. His organisational ability must also not be underrated at this time as he had proved it while using the skill for the president’s election in 1999.
Leaving him in government had limited his sphere of operation and ability to politic and network. Now, Gusau outside power is a loose cannon. He can use his knowledge of the administration’s dark secrets as well as his underground network against the president’s preferred candidate. Gusau is also capable of rallying the anti-Obasanjo forces together. He has remained close to both Babangida and Atiku who are rivals and is capable of bringing them all together. The scenario arising from Gusau’s final fall-out with Obasanjo may cause the old genre of Northern politicians to gang-up together against the president’s candidate.
In this scenario playing out, the president may unwillingly allow a candidate whom he does not like to seize victory by default. This could happen where Obasanjo continues by error of strategy to allow the elements opposed to him to coalesce, forming a formidable opposition he would find too late to contain.

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria: Ethanol: Marriage Between Petroleum And Agriculture

This Day (Lagos)
May 30, 2006
Posted to the web May 30, 2006
Max Amuchie
Lagos

The new buzzword in the oil and gas industry in Nigeria is ethanol, a concept that will revolutionalise the industry and which experts say is capable of reducing the country's energy cost by as much as $100 million besides lifting the agricultural sector from the backward state it is now.

It sounds very strange to be true, sounding so unbelievable that one can be tempted to ask, how can? But with the benefit of modern technology, we can now start competing with our vehicles for cassava and sugar cane. Cassava, the staple food of not a few Nigerians and sugar, the ever present sweetener that give tea, coffee or beverages their essence will now become part of the fuel to move our engines.

It is a totally new industry, one that has not been in existence before now, just like GSM before its introduction in 2001. The idea is that cassava and sugar cane will be used to produce ethanol, which will then be taken to the refinery and mixed with crude oil to form 10 per cent of fuel.

The Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Engr. Funso Kupolokun, unveiled the plan penultimate Friday at the University of Agriculture, Makurdi. He was at the institution to deliver the convocation lecture at the university's auditorium. He called his lecture 'Energising Agriculture Through Cross Sector Linkages with Oil and Gas Industry.'

According to Kupolokun, President Olusegun Obasanjo's aspiration is that the economy should attain a GDP rate of 10 per cent. "Achieving a growth rate of 10 per cent is a monumental challenge. Sustaining it is an even greater challenge, hence the need for innovation in all sectors. The oil and gas sector and the agriculture sector together constitute the largest contributors to GDP in Nigeria", the NNPC helmsman stated.

He quoted a report by Goldman Sachs, which stated that Nigeria maintains the current tempo of growth and economic stability, it is destined to become one of the top 20 economies in the world by 2050.

He said exploiting the synergies between oil and gas and agriculture represents the greatest hope of achieving economic growth target and sustaining it.

Kupolokun told the audience that NNPC was pursuing the Nigerian content policy to ensure that the oil industry becomes a catalyst for development. He declared: "Through the Nigerian content policy, there would be increased opportunities in engineering, local fabrication of farm tools and equipment, and opportunities in manufacturing which will generate about $6 billion per annum. The transferability of these local content capability and competencies will provide services in the agricultural sector and transform the sector which contributes about 41 per cent of the country's GDP, employs about 65 per cent of working population and 80 per cent of rural population. To achieve this, however, institutional challenges must be adequately addressed."

He noted that NNPC and its joint venture partners have consistently invested in agriculture in host communities with the objective of raising the living standards of farmers, developing skills and competencies. The other objective, he said, is setting up and managing agricultural model farms to support technology transfer and dissemination of information on new and viable agricultural enterprises.

According to him, NNPC and Shell have set up six agricultural resource and training centres, extension services, micro credit schemes for agricultural development and livestock programme.

The impact of this, he noted, is that there has been tremendous on the inhabitants of the oil producing areas. He said they have benefited from distribution of crop seeds, livestock and fishery fingerlings while over 30,000 people have been employed under various schemes.

He identified current programmes in the agricultural sector to include more agricultural resource and training centres, support for community based agriculture enterprises in livestock, crop production, etc.

In addition, he said, Agip Oil in Bayelsa, Rivers, Delta and Imo States under the Green River Project has completed about 495 community-based projects.

Kupolokun noted that NNPC has made progress on the ethanol project, which involves processing sugarcane and cassava into ethanol fuel. The objective is to exploit the multiplier effects of the oil sector in agriculture and drive national economic growth. He described ethanol as an anti-knock additive in gasoline, which is emerging as an important motor fuel in view of the Kyoto Protocol Agreement to which Nigeria is a signatory.

The NNPC helmsman told his listeners that the ethanol programme is expected to improve the automotive exhaust emissions in the country, reduce domestic use of petrol, free up more crude for export and position Nigeria for development of 'Green Fuel'.

The programme, he said, has the potential to create 200,000 jobs. In this connection, he said, the corporation has set up three sub programmes to ensure early attainment of goals. Furthermore, the corporation has identified suitable locations for cassava and sugar cane production as well as ethanol operations.

He informed that MOUs to secure land for large-scale sugar cane production were being finalised with Jigawa and Benue State Governments while many other states were already showing interest. In addition, the corporation has obtained a grant of 70,000 euros from Renewable Energy & Energy Efficiency Partnership (REEEP) to support detailed feasibility study at target locations.

He noted that target performance to ensure that these projects are economical has been determined. Kupolokun said the analysis showed that the current national average cassava yield of 15 tons per hectre would be marginal while the current sugar cane yield of 60 tons per hectre were sufficient.

Consequently, agreements are being considered with a number of technical institutes such as the International Institute for Tropical Agriculture (IITA), the Nigerian Root Crop Research Institute (NRCRI) and the Nigerian Cereal Research Institute (NCRI), among others. The aim is to development high yielding variety of cassava to make the ethanol project cost effective.

Also, Kupolokun said NNPC was considering the palm oil bio-diesel as a potential diesel fuel. The palm oil bio-diesel is produced by a chemical process, which removes glycerin and can be used in any concentration with petroleum based diesel fuel with little or no modification. The NNPC chief executive said the palm oil bio-diesel looked very attractive for Nigeria both in terms of economics and productive potential. "It is not only better than diesel on environmental grounds, it is also economically more attractive", he said.

He noted however, that impact be made on the diesel market, significant new palm oil acreages would be required. Therefore, he informed that NNPC was seeking strategic equity and debt partners for the initial project.

He called for collaboration between the petroleum and agricultural sectors on food security. "Integrated farm and plant models will ensure ramping up of agricultural produce, lead to enthronement of management best practices in large scale plantations, leveraging of existing subsistence farmers' skills and productivity while high levels of agricultural output could supply both food and fuel biomass needs which could revitalise the rural areas.

"In 2006, we intend to seek funding and expertise for the project, form partnership with leading technical institutes and farm operators to produce high yield cassava, ensure expertise to manage large scale plantation, secure land for at least two sugar cane-based ethanol projects in Jigawa and Benue States and one cassava-based project in another state.

"During the year, NNPC also intends to conduct feasibility studies for ethanol production plants and large scale plantation to supply feedstock to plants, create joint ventures the NNPC and local/foreign investors to own and manage the projects and work with the Federal Government to establish enabling policies and incentives to support the emerging industries," he said.

Kupolokun invited the university and other research institutes in the country in the bio-fuel programme and sought collaboration in improving the cassava and sugar cane yields. He said that NNPC would sponsor research in various aspects of the value delivery chain of biomass fuel programme. He also promised to participate in thee university's programmes that relate to bio-diesel production.

He said over $67 billion would be required as investment outlay for oil and gas projects with linkages with agriculture between now and 2008. "Renewable energy will not only contribute significantly to meeting some of Nigeria's energy, it will also be a major plank on which the cross sectoral linkage between oil and gas and agricultural sectors will be laid, " he concluded.

While the NNPC chief received ovation after his lecture, some issues were raised. One was whether the ethanol programme wouldn't lead to food scarcity in view of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The other was why NNPC should not limit itself to areas where it has core competence like infrastructure development rather than agriculture.

In his response, Kupolokun said four years ago when the campaign for appropriate pricing of fuel started, it was unpopular but that today everybody was happy with deregulation of the downstream sector of the oil industry.

He said the issue of food scarcity did not arise because NNPC was only concerned with large scale integrated farming. "The small scale growers will still be in business but when you take it to ethanol, you earn more," he said. He added that the farmer was entitled to good pay for his labour thereby creating wealth and eradicating poverty.

Kupolokun said NNPC would only be a catalyst for the scheme, noting that the corporation would bring investors to Nigeria to invest in farming. NNPC will not be involved in processing ethanol, as it would only take the final product.

The vice chancellor of the university, Prof. James Alatse, accepted the offer of partnership on behalf of the university and thanked Kupolokun for the kind gesture. He informed that the university had already set up a committee to look into the issue. He told the NNPC chief executive officer that very soon the university would visit NNPC on the matter.

Chairman of the occasion, Prof. Ochapa Onazi, a former vice chancellor of the University of Jos, commended NNPC for the ethanol initiative, describing it as a marriage between oil and gas and agriculture.

[Feuerblume]

US Explains Presence in Gulf of Guinea
By Eugene Agha, 05.31.2006

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The United States Govern-ment yesterday explained its presence at the Gulf of Guinea where Nigeria’s biggest oil field, Bonga Project, is located, saying the move was to help Nigeria secure the area from terrorists and other maritime criminals.
Responding to questions from reporters at the on-going Seapower for Africa symposium at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja, Admiral Harry Ulrich, Commander of US Naval Forces, Europe, and Africa, dispelled insinuations making the rounds in Nigeria that the US warships presence in the region is for military purposes, especially to launch an attack on Nigeria or that an individual in the country is using them to actualise a course.
Ulrich said much as the Nigerian government is trying its best to secure the region, yet reports available to Washington indicate that the Gulf of Guinea is full of international criminals among which are terrorists, sea pirates and smugglers. Ulrich said considering the dependence of America on Nigeria's oil, they are bound to show concern.
According to him,"we hear series of stories for our presence in the Gulf of Guinea, but I want to say that we are concerned for Nigeria and we want to help her protect the region from the hands of maritime criminal.
°In all parts of the world, the US and any good nation want a safe coastal and safe coast for countries who are supplying their energy, and that is why we are often there. So there is nothing to fear for Nigeria,” he assured.
In the meantime, South African Chief of Naval Staff (CNS), Vice Admiral Retiloe Mudimu, yesterday blamed the frequent disasters that have befell the maritime industry in the continent on the refusal of African states to implement the ratified conventions governing the industry.
He called for better ties among African countries on maritime disaster management.
Mudimu, while reacting to the high number of human and materials that were lost in the Tsunami disaster in Indonesia and the number of ship mishaps in Africa said even though the distance between African and Indonesia, the Tsunami disaster still had a devastating effect on Somalia, because there were no detection of the earthquake several hours after it occurred.
Captain Frank Charles Van Rooyen while presenting a paper titled "Disaster Management in Africa Appraisal of African Experience and Capability at the ongoing Seapower for Africa Symposium, going on at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja noted that despite all conventions which African States have ratified, they seem not to have enacted the ratified conventions in their respective countries.
Apart from not having the equipment in place to detect theses maritime disasters, he stated that often time low experience hand, were employed as crewmen on board vessels. Adding that at the time he was writing the paper, yet another disaster, another maritime disaster was unfolding, this time off the east coast of South Africa.
According to him, a Greek owned ship, Alexandros T Bulk carrier, sailing between Brazil and China with a load of steel, broke up and sank rapidly on the nigh of Wednesday, May 3, 2006, in sea conditions of gale force winds, high wave and relatively cold seawater.
Though, he acknowledged that about seven persons were rescued in the ship mishap, but that the remaining 26 crewmembers, including the captain, were reported missing, while some days later the search and rescue in the area had been called off.
He said that maritime disasters strike quickly and that they often change the lives of all those touched
Proffering some solutions to disaster management in Africa, he stated that Government of African States must be aware of the fact that mare appending their signatures on the ratified conventions do not necessarily mean that the problems of maritime disasters have been taking care off rather an implementation of the convention will bring about succour when disasters stick
Signatures do not necessarily lead to constant applications of the conventions.
It thus, be advanced that a great number of the disasters in Africa and Asia could and should have been prevented or there effect reduced through, the vigorous enactments of the ratified conventions he added

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria: U.S. Explains Frequent Deployment of Warships
Daily Champion (Lagos)
May 31, 2006
Posted to the web May 31, 2006
Florence Udoh
Abuja

The United States of America (USA) yesterday said Frequent deployment of its warships to the Gulf of Guinea had assisted Nigeria to protect the region from the activities of terrorists and maritime criminals.

Commander of American Naval Forces in Europe and Africa, Admiral Harry Ulrich who disclosed this dispelled insinuations that the presence of the warships was a preclude to launching a military attack on the country or further individual interest.

Answering questions from reporters at the on-going Seapower for Africa symposium at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja, Admiral Ulrich, said regular patrol of the region was imperative to secure our biggest oil field, Bonga project.

Ulrich maintained that much as the Nigerian government is trying its best to secure the region, reports available to Washington indicate that the Gulf of Guinea is full of international criminals including terrorists, sea pirates and smugglers are part. Ulrich said that considering the dependence of America on Nigeria¡¯s oil, they are bound to show concern for the country (Nigeria). In his words, ¡

Said he: "We hear series of stories for our presence in the Gulf of Guinea, but I want to say that we are concern for Nigeria and we want to help her protect the region from the hands of maritime criminals. Ulrich said. He continued, "In all parts of the world, the US and any good nation want a safe coastal and safe coast for those countries who are supplying our/their energy, and that is why we are often there.

Meanwhile, so there is nothing to fear for Nigeria he assured. In the meantime, the South African Chief of Naval Staff (CNS), Vice Admiral Retiloe Mudimu, yesterday blamed the frequent disasters that have befell the maritime industry in the continent on the refusal of African States to implement the ratified conventions governing the industry. Towards this end, he called for, a better ties among African countries on maritime disaster management.

Admiral Mudimu while reacting to the high number of human and materials that were lost in the far Tsunami disaster in Indonesia and the number of ship mishaps in Africa noted that, despite the distance between Africa and Indonesia, the Tsunami disaster still had a divastating effect on Somalia because there were no detection of the earthquake several hours after it occurred.

Meanwhile, Chief of Naval Staff[ CNS], Vice Admiral Refiloe Mudimu has called for a strong united co-operation of all African nations in order to avert maritime disasters such as that of the sinking of the Egyptian Ship Al-Salaam Boccaccio 98 in the Red Sea in February 3, 2006 , and sinking of the South African M.V. Oceanos ship on August 1991 amongst many others, which not only cause loss of many lifes of Naval officers but also result in loss of great economic loss to the nations affected.

Speaking yesterday at the on-going 2006 Sea Power For Africa Symposium, holding in Abuja, the South African CNS, stated that there was urgent need to prevent such disasters and the feat was only achievable through joint co-operative efforts.

He added that the world is fast becoming globalised and the global economy is fuelled by international trade most of which is Sea- Borne.

This underscores the critical significance of ensuring that we establish and effectively maintain maritime distress areas, chart exclusive economic zones and continental services and establish and constantly update co-operation and hence ensue co-ordination between parties and states for search and rescue operations and others he stated.

He also emphasized the need for all African countries to comply with guidelines of relevant conventions such as the United Nations International Convention on Maritime Search and Rescue , 1979 under the auspices of the United Nations International Maritime Organisation (Imo) with its slogan , safe, secure and efficient shipping on all oceans. He mentioned other conventions such as the International Maritime Organisations International Ship and Port Security Code 2002 amongst others which he said are all meant to maintain accepted international recommended practices.

According to him, a great number of disasters on sea and oceans would have been avoided in Africa if these conventions and enactments were adhered to.

Also, the South African Director of Naval Policy, Rear Admiral Bryan Donkin who presented a paper Maritime Disaster Management in African: An appraisal pointed out that most African Navies are insufficiently trained in safety management especially in fire-fighting and emergency evacuation procedures.

He called for more training of all Naval staff in the continent.

Also speaking at the occasion, the Chief of Naval Staff of the Nigerian Navy, vice Admiral Ganiyu Adekeye added that to prevent such maritime disasters, there was a need for frequent inspections of ships, more safety restrictions and better training of crew members.

[Feuerblume]

Manchmal geht es relativ flott. So hat Chevron im Golf von Guinea nur 2 1/2 Monate gebraucht, um fündig zu werden.



Nigeria: Chevron Texaco Discovers Oil in Nigeria-Sao Tome Zone

Daily Trust (Abuja)
May 30, 2006
Posted to the web May 31, 2006

US oil company Chevron Texaco Corp has discovered oil in an offshore zone between the west African nations of Nigeria and Sao Tome and Principe, the area's development authority said last Friday.

"At this stage, it is premature to determine whether or not Chevron and its co-venturers have made a commercial discovery," the Joint Development Authority said in a statement.

The discovery was made in the Obo-1 block some 1,720 metres under the sea, around 200 kilometres south of Port Harcourt in Nigeria's oil-rich Delta region and 300 kilometres north of the island of Sao Tome.

Drilling started in January, and was completed on March 15. Chevron has a 51 pct stake in the block, Exxon Mobil Corp 40 pct and Dangote Energy 9 pct. Nigeria and Sao Tome and Principe decided in 2004 to work together to develop joint offshore blocks in the Gulf of Guinea.

[Feuerblume]

#19654 von khmetzel 01.06.06 21:03:48 Beitrag Nr.: 21.912.534 Hauptthread

Hallo

Hab nen Artikel allgemeiner Art gefunden.

------------------------------------------------
Teure Jagd nach Reserven

Von Ulrich Friese

30. Mai 2006
Die Aussichten für die Ölmultis scheinen auf den ersten Blick rosig. Die Nachfrage nach Energieträgern steigt weltweit. Dank der hohen Preise am internationalen Rohöl-Markt sprudeln die Gewinne. Nach Schätzungen dürften die international führenden Anbieter Exxon Mobil, British Petroleum (BP), Royal Dutch Shell, Total, Chevron sowie Conoco Phillips in diesem Jahr zusammen rund 106 Milliarden Euro verdienen - ein Betrag, der das Bruttoinlandsprodukt von Tschechien oder Israel übersteigt.


Der üppige Geldregen müßte eigentlich einen gigantischen Investitionsschub in der Ölindustrie auslösen. Doch viele Produzenten stocken ihre Budgets für die Erschließung neuer Öl- und Gasfelder sowie für die Ausbeutung vorhandener Vorkommen nur zögerlich auf. Statt dessen fließt ein hoher Anteil der Barmittel über Aktienrückkauf oder Dividenden an Anleger und Investoren zurück. Die Gründe für diese Zurückhaltung sind im veränderten Marktumfeld, in politischen Risiken sowie in der fragwürdigen Effizienz der Projekte zu suchen.


Versäumnisse korrigieren


„Wir brauchen unsere Gewinne jetzt für hohe Investitionen“, sagt Rob Routs, Chefstratege im Vorstand von Royal Dutch Shell. Der Druck ist beim zweitgrößten Ölproduzenten der Welt besonders groß. Denn nach der falschen Bewertung des eigenen Energiereservoirs vor zwei Jahren muß der Konzern gegenüber den wichtigsten Konkurrenten aufholen.


Gleichzeitig will Royal Dutch Shell strategische Versäumnisse der Vergangenheit korrigieren. Der britisch-niederländische Konzern verließ sich bis Ende der neunziger Jahre auf organisches Wachstum und investierte damals im Schnitt nur rund 9 Milliarden Dollar pro Jahr. Wichtige Konkurrenten pumpten indessen ein Vielfaches dieses Betrages in Zukäufe im Ausland oder schmiedeten Fusionen: Erzrivale BP etablierte sich vor Jahren mit den Übernahmen von Amoco und Atlantic Richfield für insgesamt mehr als 100 Milliarden Dollar in Nordamerika.


In neue Öl- und Gasfelder investieren


Dort fusionierten wiederum Exxon und Mobil (1998), Chevron und Texaco sowie Conoco und Phillips (2001/2002), während sich in Europa die französischen Produzenten Total, Elf Aquitaine und Belgiens Petrofina (1998/1999) verbündeten. Royal Dutch Shell stockt in diesem Jahr seine Investitionen von 15 Milliarden auf 19 Milliarden Dollar auf. Von 2007 an soll der Betrag auf 21 Milliarden Dollar steigen. Der Löwenanteil fließt in den „Upstream“-Bereich, also in das Erschließen und Fördern von Energievorkommen. Viele Wettbewerber ziehen mit, obwohl die Budgets nicht die Dimensionen von Shell erreichen.


Dennoch sind fast alle namhaften Anbieter mit dem Vorwurf konfrontiert, nicht aggressiv genug in neue Öl- und Gasfelder zu investieren. Bis auf Frankreichs Total und die amerikanische Chevron ist keiner der führenden Konzerne gegenwärtig in der Lage, mehr „schwarzes Gold“ zu beschaffen, als verkauft wird. Selbst Marktführer Exxon schafft nur ein „Reserve Replacement Ratio“ von 83 Prozent. Die branchenrelevante Kennziffer weist das Verhältnis von erneuerten Reserven zur Produktion aus: Ein Wert von unter 100 Prozent bedeutet, daß mehr Öl gefördert und verkauft wird, als neue Vorkommen gefunden oder erschlossen werden.


Verwertung von ölhaltigem Sand


Während Chevron und Total jetzt mit 108 Prozent, beziehungsweise 106 Prozent an der Spitze liegen, bilden BP (89 Prozent) und Royal Dutch Shell (67 Prozent) in diesem Vergleich die Schlußlichter. Um Anschluß an die Branche zu finden, wollte Shell bis 2008 sämtliche Öl- und Gas-Reserven komplett durch neue Vorkommen ersetzen. Doch Anfang Mai deutete Vorstandschef Jeroen van der Veer an, daß sein Konzern die Zielmarke von 100 Prozent verfehlen werde.


Die Korrektur begründete er mit dem teuren Einkauf von Ölförderanlagen, die den Aufschub von Langfrist-Projekten zweckmäßig erscheinen lassen. Ohnehin sind die Kosten bei wichtigen Großvorhaben aus dem Ruder gelaufen. Vor kurzem sagte van der Veer, daß das Budget für das russische Gasfeld „Sakhalin II“ mit 16 Milliarden Euro doppelt so hoch wie geplant ausfalle.


Von diesem Dilemma ist nicht nur Shell betroffen. Angesichts der Tatsache, daß leicht zugängliche, „konventionelle“ Energieträger erschlossen oder ausgeschöpft sind, haben sich in den vergangenen sechs Jahren die Kosten für die Entwicklung neuer Felder verdreifacht, geht aus einer Studie der Investmentbank Morgan Stanley hervor. Um gegenzusteuern, forcieren Exxon und Shell die Erschließung „unkonventioneller“ Vorkommen. Dazu zählt die technisch anspruchsvolle Verwertung von ölhaltigem Sand ebenso wie die Verflüssigung von Erdgas - kurz LNG (Liquified Natural Gas) genannt.


Übernahmen im großen Stil


Angesichts der Höchststände am Rohölmarkt erscheinen Übernahmen im großen Stil zu teuer. Shell hält lediglich für kleinere Übernahmen bis zu 10 Milliarden Dollar bereit. Zu Kaufobjekten avancierten der britische Gasförderer BG Group oder auch Repsol. Der fünftgrößte Öl- und Gasproduzent in Europa, der direkten Zugang zu lukrativen Märkten in Südamerika hat, reifte nach der falschen Bewertung seiner Energiereserven zum Übernahme-Kandidaten. Interesse wurde BP nachgesagt. Doch die Briten schließen Zukäufe bislang strikt aus.


Statt dessen loten die großen Anbieter bei aufwendigen Vorhaben strategische Allianzen aus. Neue Chancen, die durch ein verändertes Marktumfeld entstehen, weiß BP geschickt zu nutzen. Vor drei Jahren kaufte sich Großbritanniens größter Börsenwert in Rußland ein und begründete dort mit einem nationalen Konkurrenten das Gemeinschaftsunternehmen TNK-BP. Das Unternehmen, an dem BP die Hälfte der Anteile hält, ist der fünftgrößte Anbieter in einem Land, das mit einer Tagesproduktion von 9,2 Millionen Barrel (ein Barrel entspricht 159 Litern) zu den führenden Ölproduzenten der Welt gehört.


Verbrauch: 83 Millionen Barrel am Tag


Dabei geht es um den Zugang zu Ölvorkommen. Gegenwärtig verbraucht die Menschheit 83 Millionen Barrel pro Tag. Der Wert soll bis 2010 auf mehr als 90 Millionen Barrel steigen, um dann zwei Jahrzehnte später mindestens 115 Millionen Barrel zu erreichen, so lautet die Schätzung der Internationalen Energieagentur. Dahinter steht der Energiehunger der Wachstumsländer in Asien, allen voran China, Indien und Japan, das 80 Prozent seiner Ressourcen importieren muß.


Um den riesigen Bedarf zu decken, tritt China nicht nur als Käufer, sondern auch als Akteur in der Ölindustrie auf und macht den Etablierten das Terrain streitig. Die halbstaatliche CNOOC setzte 2005 zur Übernahme der amerikanischen Unocal an. Doch die Chinesen scheiterten, obwohl ihre Offerte mit 18,5 Milliarden Dollar die höchste war. Die amerikanische Regierung blockierte die Transaktion mit dem Hinweis auf „nationale strategische Interessen“. Im Gegenzug zog Chevron bei Unocal ein.


Nach dem Rückschlag in Nordamerika geben Pekings Ölproduzenten nicht auf. Sie konzentrieren sich jetzt auf andere Regionen. CNOOC kaufte für 2,3 Milliarden Dollar einen privaten Ölsucher in Nigeria. Die China National Petroleum kam Ende 2005 für 4 Milliarden Dollar bei der von Kanada aus gesteuerten Petro-Kazakhstan zum Zuge.

Text: F.A.Z., 27.5.2006
Bildmaterial: F.A.Z.
-------------------------------------------------------
Quelle: http://www.faz.net/s/RubD16E1F55D21144C4AE3F9DDF52B6E1D9/Doc…


Gruss Kalle






Pennystock-Report: First Star Resources und Update Lexington ResourcesPenn

[Feuerblume]

#19656 von Feuerblume 01.06.06 21:13:13 Beitrag Nr.: 21.912.728

Folgende Antwort bezieht sich auf Beitrag Nr.: 21912534 von khmetzel am 01.06.06 21:03:48
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Zitat: Dennoch sind fast alle namhaften Anbieter mit dem Vorwurf konfrontiert, nicht aggressiv genug in neue Öl- und Gasfelder zu investieren. Bis auf Frankreichs Total und die amerikanische Chevron ist keiner der führenden Konzerne gegenwärtig in der Lage, mehr „schwarzes Gold“ zu beschaffen, als verkauft wird. Selbst Marktführer Exxon schafft nur ein „Reserve Replacement Ratio“ von 83 Prozent. Die branchenrelevante Kennziffer weist das Verhältnis von erneuerten Reserven zur Produktion aus: Ein Wert von unter 100 Prozent bedeutet, daß mehr Öl gefördert und verkauft wird, als neue Vorkommen gefunden oder erschlossen werden

Genau das ist es, was man Jeff Greenblum hoch anrechnen muss und was die Sache mit den "Vorräten", die hier gepostet wurde, zum Unsinn erstarren lässt.

JG hat die Lage rechtzeitig erkannt und gehandelt. Wenn alle Verträge durch sind, wird man keinen Jung-Explorer weltweit finden, der über höhere Vorkommen verfügt. Und wie bereits das Ergebnis in Namibia zeigt, wo der Vertrag wegen PetroSA bereits geplatzt war, ist JG durchaus in der Lage selbst völlig verfahrene Verhandlungen noch zu retten. Das wird, wenn das Gericht nicht doch noch z.G. von Sapetro entscheiden sollte, auch in Nigeria so sein.

Eine Entscheidung z.G. von Sapetro ist unwahrscheinlich, da dann eine Vielzahl von anderen Ölverträgen rückabgewickelt würde, und leicht eine Situation entstehen könnte, welche die Nigerianische Ölförderung an den Rand einer Katastrophe bringen könnte.

[Feuerblume]

Africa Insight - Why Obasanjo failed in bid to extend his rule

Publication Date: 06/02/2006
Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo’s backers had placed much hope on the international community’s support for his third term bid because of his economic reforms and his central role in resolving conflicts in Africa. But what he got was opposition every step of the way, writes Tony Eluemunor

Surprise! That is the word to describe the killing of Nigeria’s President Olusegun Obasanjo’s bid to prolong his tenure on May 16. Weeks after the bid died, Nigerians are still asking the question: “How was it killed?”

Granted that the President and his pointmen in the third term project that had heightened tension in the country had appreciated the fact that they lacked the two-thirds majority votes in the National Assembly to advance their bid, yet, such little matters made them even more determined to employ state powers to win legislators to their side.

It was for the lack of the required number of votes that the President’s supporters suspended, as it were, the administration’s much-touted anti-corruption stance and reportedly began to shell out bribes of over US$357,000 to each member of the House of Representatives and US$500,000 to each Senator. The true picture of the magnitude of the alleged bribery would only be appreciated if one considers that Nigeria’s House of Representatives has 360 members while the Senators are 109.

Where would the President’s men have got such a large war chest with which to prosecute this bribery war? No, the President did not need to raid the Central Bank of Nigeria, or to divert the proceeds from the excess crude oil revenue (whatever accrues to the nation that is above the budgeted figure. For the 2006 budget, the benchmark expected revenue is $33 per barrel, but oil has hovered around the $70 mark).

Observers point out that the first task President Obasanjo embarked on was to reward loyal business tycoons with concessions that would make their bank accounts overflow with money. Since 2003, Nigeria has been seized by a privatisation frenzy in which a favoured “loyalist” would bag a choice enterprise at a give-away price, or if he did not want the hassles of running a business, he would just shop for investors and walk away with tons of dollars as commission. It is also not unheard of for an oil block to be farmed out to the highly connected in Abuja these days. So, whenever the President needed cash, he would just beckon the business community.

Yet, as handouts from loyalists would hardly have met the huge amount needed for what could turn out to be the bribery of the century, Nigerians are charging that the Central Bank provided a large chunk of that bribe money. The government has vehemently denied this though.

With the cash handy, Obasanjo was well on his way to actualising his dream. But first, he had to keep the dream a secret. When it leaked in the press two years ago, Obasanjo’s supporters and aides derided those who called attention to the bid “rumour mongers” and “idlers”.

The first thing Obasanjo did was to ensure there were no potential successors. So he scared off presidential hopefuls by charging that talks about the 2007 elections were a distraction to his government. Then, in the name of an anti-corruption drive designed to buoy up his image, he put some high-ranking government officials on security surveillance. But soon critics charged that only Obasanjo’s opponents seemed to fall foul of the anti-corruption war.

Then in late 2005, he sent a request to the National Assembly asking for funds for a national conference in Abuja to discus Nigeria’s nationhood and federal structure. The decisions from the conference would form the kernel of a constitutional amendment. Obasanjo handpicked the majority of the delegates by nominating representatives of various interest groups, yet even with the place flooded by his handpicked men and women, the conference refused to endorse any extension of tenure.

As the talk shop drew to a close, Obasanjo’s senior advisers in government attempted to smuggle in a draft constitution. Participants cried out one day when they saw strange matters in the draft — that Obasanjo’s present term be increased from four to six years. The conference never recovered from that controversy. Even then, as the National Assembly had refused to allocate funds for that conference, calling it a Presidential conference, Obasanjo had to fund it from outside the government purse. That he was able to meet the over $600 million bill from his private sector friends should have sounded an alarm, but it didn’t.

When the conference failed to bring the desired result, the third term bidders became more desperate and increasingly more open. So too did the opposition to it.

Just as the bid had been canvassed for long, so too did the opposition to it harden with the passage of time. Even as the President — who never openly declared his support for the third term bid — was wooing MPs for the crucial vote, he was also consolidating his stranglehold on the ruling party, the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP). By December last year, the final moves began to weed out non-Obasanjo loyalists from the party. Thus a re-registration exercise was ordered and those pre-determined to be removed were refused party cards.

Obasanjo’s loyalists were the only ones allowed to take top leadership positions in the party ward, local government and state congresses. As the PDP holds a complete majority, in fact almost a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly, and as it was now clear that any legislature who wanted a re-election must of necessity want to belong to the President’s camp or he would be denied the party ticket, the tenure elongation issue was confidently introduced into the National Assembly.

Indeed, PDP national chairman Col Ahmadu Ali (who was Education Minister in Obasanjo’s military government) pronounced extension of tenure a party position and warned that anyone who opposed it would be dismissed.

Unfortunately for the Obasanjo loyalists, they failed to take Nigeria’s peculiarity into consideration, probably lulled by the smell of victory. First, Obasanjo’s Vice-President, Atiku Abubakar, whose supporters were targeted during the re-registration exercise, appeared finished within the PDP. Atiku, a Northern Muslim, re-strategised and by teaming up with former military Presidents, Gen Ibrahim Babangida and Gen Mohammadu Buhari, Obasanjo’s closest challenger at the 2003 presidential elections, united the North, to a large extent, to oppose Obasanjo’s third term bid.

Pockets of opposition emerged as politicians from other parts of the country also began an open rebellion against the PDP. The intelligentsia and the press were almost unanimous in their trenchant opposition.

As the debate in the two chambers of the National Assembly began, it was obvious that the pro-Obasanjo group would not get the two-thirds majority to ram a constitutional amendment through. They even appeared to lack a simple majority. Then two things happened: first, the party leaders, with a clear majority in both chambers, began to moot the idea of changing the rules governing the business of both chambers. Second was the appearance of bribe money.

Outcry over the bribery allegations

It is believed the money hit Abuja the weekend before May 16, and as word spread there was a public outcry over the bribery allegations, with calls to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission to launch investigations. Many MPs had reportedly not even collected the money as it was being disbursed with utmost secrecy and recipients were lugging it in cash to avoid detection.

So that Tuesday met several pro-Obasanjo senators outside the Senate chambers, which was concluding the third term debate. Each senator had seven minutes to state his position in a debate that was being televised live by the private African Independent Television (AIT), to the chagrin of the President. The home of the stations’s owner, Raymond Dopkesi was torched by suspected government agents while the TV station itself was marked for demolition as it was allegedly built on illegal grounds in Abuja. When Dopkesi produced his certificate of occupancy, the government changed the charge, now claiming that the buildings were not approved.

The government targeted other media, too. It cancelled all government advertisements booked in several newspapers and magazines that had declared their opposition to the third term.

As the debate came to a close, Atiku’s own senator and political confidant, Jonathan Zwingina, moved a motion that the matter be stood down till the following week. That lull would have given the pro-third term group the chance to swell its ranks enough to muster the majority to change the Senate and House of Representatives rules to allow the tenure proposal to pass by a simple majority instead of the stipulated two-thirds majority vote.

Zwingina himself was a late convert to Obasanjo’s side. He reportedly ditched the Vice-President when he was warned that unless he supported the elongation of tenure, his Abuja home would be demolished.

As Zwingina moved his motion, it was opposed by an anti-third term legislature; the Speaker called for a vote and the “nays” won. Not satisfied by the outcome, somebody called for a division of the House, which affirmed the victory over Obasanjo’s side.

That was when a deft parliamentary sense came into play. It is a common parliamentary requirement that at the end of the debate of a bill, a vote would be taken to advance it to the next stage or dump it. That vote was for the constitutional amendment bill to scale the second reading stage and be sent to the appropriate committee for further deliberation.

Senate President Ken Nnamani asked the Senate Leader to move that motion, which was immediately countered. It was put to a vote by acclamation and Obasanjo’s supporters lost. The Senate President asked the question again: “Those in support say ‘aye’”; and an even lesser number answered. When he asked for the ‘nays’, the result was thunderous. “The ‘nays’ have it!” he declared. Obasanjo’s third term bid had died!

That was the “how” of the matter. The “why” is trickier to pinpoint. First, Nigerians have always resisted this strange madness that would afflict a leader once in a while. The Nigerian federation of cantankerous groups seems designed to disallow it. Gen Yakubu Gowon tried it in 1974, saying that as politicians had “learnt nothing and forgotten nothing” his promised handing over date of 1976 was “unrealistic”. He was overthrown in 1975! As the issue raged, Gowon advised Obasanjo: “Learn from my mistake.”

Babangida tried it, by prolonging his transition to civil rule ad infinitum, and was forced to “step aside”. The late Sani Abacha tried it when he got all the parties then to adopt him as sole candidate; he just died one night, after reaping a virulent opposition.

Second, the press rose almost in unison against the idea. That energised the political opposition. Third, certain senators were ready to call Obasanjo’s bluff. Standing out among them is the Senate President Nnamani, a well to do businessman, who would neither be intimidated by presidential power nor be swayed by bribe. He vowed to play by the Senate rules and when pressed to disallow the continued live telecast by AIT he exhibited his independence by saying no. The live telecast showed Nigerians how unpopular the bid was.

Fourth, Obasanjo has in the past seven years beaten down anyone who had dared oppose him. Many swore they would rather die than bear Obasanjo’s rule a day longer than his stipulated tenure. They simply gathered in a new party, giving those estranged from the PDP an embrace. Fifth, Obasanjo’s bid was poorly presented: To tell Nigerians that there was no capable hand to succeed him was an insult.

Even Obasanjo’s fellow retired generals came out openly to oppose him. His Army Chief in the 1970s and Defence Minister in his first term as president, Gen Theophilous Yakubu Danjuma, granted a newspaper interview where he said “Obasanjo must go.” It was assumed that Danjuma was speaking for the military. The Catholic Church came out in open opposition, too.

Tearing Nigeria apart

Sixth, Obasanjo had placed much hope on the international community’s support. Because of his IMF/World Bank policies and his much-touted economic reforms, his backers appeared to believe that the sentiment that Africa still needed Obasanjo would be expressed in his favour. But instead of support, he was opposed every step of the way. Almost every major Western newspaper had advised Obasanjo against the bid and Nigerian newspapers duly reproduced the articles. This strengthened the opposition as Obasanjo’s strong point had been that he was an internationally respected statesman.

Seventh, it appears that senators who had professed to supporting the third term bid were doing so against their will, because in the anonymity of a vote-by-acclamation they chose to remain silent.

Obasanjo’s bid was tearing Nigeria apart and some observers feared it could lead to war. With its sudden death, the country now has some breathing space as Nigerians focus on next year’s presidential elections without Obasanjo as a candidate. The 2007 election will prove whether or not the new-found promise of peace is real, and that depends on whether Obasanjo will organise free and fair elections or he will attempt to manipulate the vote.

Events of the past week point to the manipulation option: he has been meeting with state governors, telling them that he would hand over to either a governor or senator as that is the way the United States, whose presidential system Nigeria practices, does it. Last Sunday he gathered the chairmen of the state chapter of his PDP and ordered them not to attend any political meetings without clearance from Abuja.

Importantly, he also told them that he preferred the presidency to remain in the South. Obasanjo is from the South, so with that, he is daring the North, which dominates the military and produced the soldiers who have ruled Nigeria for most of its post-Independence years.

It is feared that the crises of the recent past may play out again. Analysts say the only way out is for Obasanjo to organise free and fair elections. So far there are no signs of that.



Tony Eluemunor is a journalist based in Abuja, Nigeria.
Africa Insight is an initiative of the Nation Media Group’s Africa Media Network

[Feuerblume]

Im übrigen bestätigt dieser Artikel meine Kalkulation über die Staatsanteile pro Barrel.

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.914.929 von Feuerblume am 02.06.06 00:11:43

Versteif dich nicht auf so einen unbedeutenden drittklassigen Explorer wie Energulf. Die Welt hat noch mehr zu bieten.

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.132 von benefactor am 02.06.06 01:29:16

... wie z.B. ... Dich !?

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.179 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 02:17:35

Ich mag deine Ironie. Aber ich habe es anderst verstanden, aber das weißt du ja auch.

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.197 von benefactor am 02.06.06 02:46:44

Meine Ironie mag ich auch meine Zeitzone erlaubt es mir uebrigens auch das letzte Wort zu haben aber in wenigen Tagen ... da kann ich mich auch wieder so richtig in einige Kontrahenten verbeissen.

Denn Energulf ist vieles ... aber nicht "drittklassig" !!!

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.224 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 03:55:20

Ja, Energulf ist vieles und vielleicht auch viertklassig.

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.228 von benefactor am 02.06.06 04:04:01

Auch dass nur ... "Vielleicht" ... wesentlich wahrscheinlicher ist aber ....

Das muss ich Dir nicht sagen ...

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.237 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 04:21:49

Das letzte Wort.

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.240 von benefactor am 02.06.06 04:27:10

Die letzte ... Zeitzone

.... kauf oder schau halt mal ....
Viel Zeit hast Du nicht mehr ! ...


... und Danke, dass Du ENG oben haeltst!

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.242 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 04:31:05

[Bernhardow]

Ja ? ... und wie weiter ?

[schobbesaufer]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.245 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 04:32:44

hey bernie...
sattel das pferdchen und ab in die haia....

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.245 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 04:32:44

Hey Bernie, ich habe keine Lust hier Energulf schlecht zu reden. Energulf ist ein drittklassiger Explorer mit einer recht guten Explorer Option im Block 1711 in Namibia, jedoch braucht die Sache etwas Zeit. In ein paar Jahren werden wir sehen was daraus wird. Wie schon gesagt, davor können sich die Spekulanten die Köpfe einschlagen , jedoch ohne mir.

Der Kurs und die Aktie sind zwar vorher sehr unterhaltsam jedoch nicht von Belang.

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.250 von schobbesaufer am 02.06.06 04:39:57

Wass´n Statement ....

Der uebliche Schobbe ... zum saufen halt ...
Bene und Du ... !? Steht Ihr euch sonst auch sehr nahe ?

Erinnere mich gerade an Deine Luegen bezueglich dem Kolumbien Drill und dem heutigen Management ... *lol

... alles archiviert ... Hoffe Du bist noch lange hier ...

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.252 von benefactor am 02.06.06 04:47:56

"Energulf ist ein drittklassiger Explorer mit einer recht guten Explorer Option im Block 1711 in Namibia"i

Was haeltst Du von dem unveroeffentlichen Texas Cash Flow ?
Der Congo Option ?
Tanzania ? ... ja, das wird bald mal wieder "Brand - aktuell" ?
Nigeria ? ... aber das ist eher plus minus null ...
und ann gibt es noch diese neue JV ... davon weisst Du nichts ? ....

Gute Nacht Beneboy, lass uns in einigen Wochen nochmal analysieren ,,,

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.253 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 04:48:20

Was für Lügen Bernie? Die haben nichts gefunden und viele Barells vermutet. Danach wurde die Lizenz weitergereicht.

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.257 von benefactor am 02.06.06 04:57:03

Weist Du von welchen Luegen ich spreche ?

Schobbe kennt Sie ... also ueberlege Du Dir gut, was Du hier vermeintlich beisteuertst ...

... oder doch "Brothers in Arms" ?


Get youself informed or keep quiet !

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.256 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 04:56:55

Du kannst erst mal alle Optionen in die Tonne kicken. Erst wenn sie was finden wird es interessant. Vorher können euch diverse Börsenbriefe die Hölle heiß machen und ihr könnt zocken bis ihr nicht mehr könnt.

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.259 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 05:01:12

Was für Lügen, Bernie. Habe ich ein Komma vergessen, oder ein Buchstaben vergessen?

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.260 von benefactor am 02.06.06 05:02:08

Laberrhabarber ... Du zeigst, wie gut Du Dich mit der Materie befasst hast ... Whacko!

Sie haben laengst gefunden ...

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.261 von benefactor am 02.06.06 05:04:57

Nein, aber anscheinend hast Du Schwierigkeiten zu verstehen was geschrieben ...

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.262 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 05:05:14

Ein großer Fehler kanns nicht sein. Vielleicht haben wir mal was überflogen, aber sonst wohl nichts.

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.266 von benefactor am 02.06.06 05:08:38

Wir ? .... Whacko

Wer steuert Dich denn ? ...

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.267 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 05:09:30

5:09 Uhr und nur Penner hier ... ok ... schliesse mich beinahe aus ...

[Bernhardow]

Geht jetzt noch was oder soll ich die Leo's mit eurem Schrott fuettern ?

[benefactor [KommA]]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.267 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 05:09:30

Nicht nur Dilettanten wie du dreiben sich hier rum und jetzt lass mal gut sein. Lass die Leute erst am ihre arbeit machen und dann sehen wir weiter.

[Bernhardow]

Lion sleeps tonight ... aber warum bin ich ploetzlich ein Dilletant ?

Warum sollte ich "euren" Scheiss stehen lassen ?

Wer macht sich hier die Arbeit ?

Was fuer eine Scheisse prophezeist Du hier ?

Fragen ueber Fragen und warum ist ... Schobbe schon laengst weg, obwohl er noch zusieht ???

[Bernhardow]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 21.915.267 von Bernhardow am 02.06.06 05:09:30

Sollte jemand antworten wollen bitte im Hauptthread, FB hat ein ganz anderes Problem aber darueber sprechen wir lieber "drueben" ... Schaetze .... es gibt sowieso keine Bedarf ... nur fuer den Fall ...

Sweet dreams ...
B

[Feuerblume]

A peek into how 'terrorists' buy oil rights
Posted by Jan Frel at 8:53 AM on June 2, 2006.

In Nigeria, they didn't just negotiate with a bunch of militants and saboteurs -- they sold them oil rights. Blog Tools

A short article from Oil and Gas Journal offers a rare peek into how countries and companies bid for oil rights in foreign countries, how the money changes hands... and how Nigeria tried to bring a resistance group that's been actively trying to shut down the country's oil production into the fold of the petro-establishment. The article is sub req'd (and was published May 22), so read it here:

Nigeria amazed observers Friday by awarding one of its blocks in a mini licensing round to a company controlled by local youth militant groups that have battled the government. Companies from China and India also emerged as big winners in the offering, thanks to promises of heavy investment in the downstream sector and power infrastructure.

The militants' company, Niger Delta United Oil Co., was awarded Block 233 in the onshore Niger Delta after offering a signature bonus of $11 million. Government officials described the move as an attempt to create peace in the troubled region. "I was delighted that the Niger Delta company paid their full deposit, surprised but delighted," Tony Chukwueke, head of Nigeria's Department for Petroleum Resources, told Oil Daily from the awards venue. "This is an attempt by the government to create some emancipation in the Niger Delta and to show commitment to the development of the region, but done by the people of the region themselves ."

Little is known about the company, even by Chukwueke.
"What we are trying to do is to try and push all the different groups together," said Chukwueke. "Then they can choose someone to head the company. At the moment I don't know who that is. They do have an office in the Delta and they came with a bankers check to pay the 25% of the deposit."
Most of the 17 offered blocks were taken up. China National Petroleum Corp. (CNPC) won four areas -- Blocks 721, 732, 298 and 471 -- for a total of $16 million in bonuses.

A joint venture between India 's state-controlled Oil and Natural Gas Corp. (ONGC) and the private-sector Mittal Steel won Blocks 285 and 279, which were two of the most contested areas due to their proximity to Exxon Mobil's Erha field. The venture offered signature bonuses of a combined $125 million, partly by matching a rival bid.

China and Nigeria had been promised preferential rights in the bidding round, in return for their promised investments in infrastructure.
Abuja awarded CNPC rights of first refusal in return for plans to invest $2 billion in upgrading the 110,000 barrel per day Kaduna refinery in north Nigeria and to finance a power plant in Plateau state.

India was guaranteed special treatment in return for a promise to spend $6 billion on a new export-oriented 180,000 b/d refinery, a 2,000 megawatt power station and a railway line running across the country. ONGC participated in an earlier August licensing round but lost out after a long tussle with Korea National Oil Corp.

The UK 's BG won Block 286 for $55 million, and has promised to invest $2.5 billion in a gas pipeline, while Taiwan 's Chinese Petroleum Corp. won Blocks 294 and 226 -- for a total of $75 million in bonuses -- in return for agreeing to build a power plant.

INC Natural Resources -- a joint venture between Jigwa State and an unidentified Canadian firm -- won Blocks 292 and 252 in return for $100 million in bonuses and a promised $4 billion ethanol plant. A company named Clearwater -- owned by the Rivers state government -- took Block 289 for $10 million, in return for promising $1.5 billion of power station investments in the local region.

Transcorp, a group reportedly supported by President Olusegun Obasanjo, won two blocks for a total of $80.5 million in bonuses and $3 billion of refinery investments in Port Harcourt and Lagos -- but did not turn up at the awards ceremony. "We are going to give them one more hour," Chukwueke told Oil Daily . "Then we will have to [put the blocks up for auction] again."
In all, the latest bidding attracted signature bonuses of around $500 million and promised infrastructure investments of some $20 billion.
Kinda makes me think that there's more than one way to 'defeat' all those 'terrorists' out there... not only negotiate with them, but maybe do business with them -- or perhaps, listen to their grievances and consider whether they might be legitimate.

Jan Frel is an AlterNet staff writer.

[Feuerblume]

Da es im Hauptthread in 1 Tag wieder unter einem Müllberg unauffindbar zugeschüttet ist und wir mit Sicherheit wieder auf einige Aussagen zurückkommen werden, auch an dieser Stelle:

#19953 von Feuerblume 05.06.06 11:13:45 Beitrag Nr.: 21.947.542
Folgende Antwort bezieht sich auf Beitrag Nr.: 21946609 von minzpetra am 05.06.06 10:01:33

Die Konkretisierung des amerikanischen Interessen erzwingt sich nicht nur aus der misslichen Situation der USA, sie konkretisiert sich auch auf allen Ebenen.

Ich hatte es auch schon mehrfach hier geschrieben: “In Afrika wird die Zukunft verteilt”. Das sehen offenbar nicht nur die Chinesen so, sondern auch – und insbesondere – die USA.

Was in der Defense Planning Guidance der USA damit umschrieben ist, feindliche Mächte an der Kontrolle einer Region und ihrer Ressourcen sowie damit verbundenen Machtpositionen zu hindern, ist nichts anderes als das Verlangen nach einer Energiesicherheit, die dem Wohlstand der USA dienen soll.

Diese Forderung ist verständlich, denn einem gewaltigen Energiehunger des American-way-of life stehende schwindende nationale Ölvorräte gegenüber, was unweigerlich zu einer Abhängigkeit von importiertem Öl führt. Diese im Grunde genommen schon missliche Situation gewinnt dadurch noch gewaltig an Brisanz, dass sich ein Großteil der derzeit sprudelnden Quellen im Mittleren Osten befindet, und diese Region nicht gerade dafür bekannt ist, dass in ihr Humanisten und Anhänger westlicher Lebensart residieren. Die Ölwaffe sitzt jedenfalls bisweilen recht locker im Halfter.

In mehreren Studien, in die unter anderem das in Israel ansässige IASP und die National Intelligence Council als Thinktanks einbezogen wurden, wurde daher eingefordert, sich aus dem Gängelband des OPEC-Kartells zu befreien, in dem bestimmte Länder, insbesondere aber Nigeria, aus dem Kartell herausgelöst werden und die Importe starker auf Quellen, die nicht von der OPEC kontrolliert werden, konzentriert werden.

Vor diesem Hintergrund lag nichts näher, als Westafrika in den Brennpunkt des eigenen Interesses zu stellen, denn dort waren kurz zuvor die weltweit größten unerschlossenen Öl- und Gasquellen dieses Planeten entdeckt worden.

„Afrikanisches Öl: Eine Priorität für die nationale Sicherheit Amerikas und die Entwicklung Afrikas“ titelte bereits 2002 eine Konferenz des Institute for Advanced Strategic & Political Studies (IASPS).

Mit dieser eindeutigen Fokussierung schien, der Stein des Weisen gefunden zu sein, denn beim westafrikanischen Öl gibt es nicht die strategischen Problem wie bei anderen Ländern. Außer Nigeria ist kein Land Mitglied der OPEC und die meisten Ressourcen liegen offshore und damit außerhalb des direkten Zugriffs der Bevölkerung. Sie sind im Krisenfall zudem schnell für die amerikanische Militärmaschinerie erreichbar. Auch die Qualität des Produktes (niedriger Schwefelgehalt) konnte begeistern.

An dieser Erkenntnis orientiert, formulierte der Nationale Geheimdienstrat der USA, dass es strategisches Ziel sein müsse, im Jahr 2015 rund 25 % des Öl-Bedarfs durch Importe aus Afrika zu decken. Damals importierten die USA 16 %.

Die Umsetzung einer solchen globalen Strategie erfolgt naturgemäß auf allen denkbaren Kanälen. In Afrika mit seinem instabilen Verhältnissen natürlich auch auf der Schiene der Politik, der Geheimdienste und des Militärs. Schließlich gilt es zu verhindern, von der einen Abhängigkeit in die andere zu fallen.

In der Erklärung „African Growth and Opportunity“ bspw wird gefordert, dass die afrikanischen Regierungen versichern sollten, dass sie die nationale Sicherheit der USA und ihre aussenpolitischen Interessen nicht unterminieren

Im Zuge dieser Bemühungen war in einem Kontinent, in dem die USA bisher ein Debakel nach dem anderen erlebten, nie gehörte amerikanische Rhetorik zu hören. So „könne ein erfolgreiches Nigeria die ganze Region in Wohlstand und Frieden führen“, während des Clinton Besuchs in 2000.

Oder 2003, während des Bush-Besuches in Nigeria das an den Obasanjo, gerichtete Lob, er habe sich "besonders um den Frieden in der Region verdient gemacht“ (schwier wiegende Menschenrechtsverletzungen ignorierend)

Insbesondere den nigerianischen Machthabern blieb vielfach nichts anderes übrig als gute Miene zum bösen Spiel zu machen, ist doch das Land bei den USA und bei der Weltbank hoch verschuldet und liegt das, was üblicherweise Staatsvermögen ist, auf Privatkonten der politischen Klasse.

Vor diesem Hintergrund war es geradezu zwangsläufig, dass Nigeria auch eines der ersten Länder Schwarzafrikas war, dessen Truppen von den USA ausgebildet wurden und in dem amerikanische Ölfirmen massiv protektioniert werden.

Im restlichen Kontinent ist die USA, was ihre militärische Präsenz angeht, noch deutlich zurückhaltender. Dort wird man es zunächst mit sog. lily pads, das sind kleine – aber schnell ausbaubare Stützpunkte – mit einem Minimum an Personal als Türöffner versuchen

[Feuerblume]

postitiv für INCNR, nicht nur wegen OPL246 sondern auch wegen der anderen Blöcke

Withdrawal of Danjuma’s oil licence not political, FG tells court
By ADESINA AIYEKOTI
Tuesday, June 6, 2006


Photo: Sun News Publishing
Mores Stories on This Section
The Federal Government yesterday told a Federal High Court that the withdrawal of the oil prospecting licence 246 granted to an oil firm, South Atlantic Petroleum Limited owned by the former Defence Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma (rtd) was not political.

Government’s lead counsel, Professor Odita (SAN) appearing with Chief Robert Clarke and others told the trial judge that the action of his client was done in accordance with an existing rule in the Petroleum Act.

The plaintiff had filed the suit seeking order of perpetual injunction restraining the Minister of Petroleum and Resources from giving effect, however to the decision communicated in a letter dated March 21, 2006 to the plaintiff purporting to deny the extant rights and interest of the applicant in the remaining part of OPL 246.

The Federal Government also pleaded with the court to dismiss SAPETRO’s application for an interlocutory injunction and set aside paragraph 3 of the order dated May 9, 2006 which said that the grant of leave should operate as a stay of all actions connected with or relating to the oil prospecting licence 246.

Meanwhile, further trial has been fixed for June 19, 2006.

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria: FG, Sapetro Face-Off: Nigerians Miss 20,000 Jobs

Daily Champion (Lagos)
June 6, 2006
Posted to the web June 6, 2006
Sopuruchi Onwuka
Lagos

THE lingering battle between the Federal Government and South Atlantic Petroleum (Sapetro) over rights to the second part of deep water oil bloc 246 has put a clog on the prized local content policy as over 20,000 job opportunities may elude Nigerians.

Sources in Sapetro, owned by retired Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, told Daily Champion at the weekend that the jobs were part of work programme already proposed for the second part of the bloc upon conversion of oil mining license.

Sapetro had dragged the minister of state for Petroleum to a Lagos High Court to assert its right to Oil Prospecting Lease (OPL) 246 containing a set of world class discoveries including the giant Akpo Field that involves Total and Bras oil as development partners.

Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) had retrieved the second part of the juicy bloc from the consortium after granting Sapetro Oil Mining License on Akpo Field.

Akpo Field is now in OML 130. But Sapetro is contesting the withdrawal of the field, arguing that it still holds an exploration licence in the entire bloc till 2008 upon which it has paid $29 million signature bonus and another $0.5 million for conversion of part of the field to OML.

In an affidavit it deposed at the court, the company's chairman, Gen. Danjuma, claimed to have paid over $755 million to government for an exclusive exploration right that is to end in 2008.

He cited a letter dated November 12, 2002 through which DPR had extended its exploration license in OPL 246 from March 2003 to March 28, 2008.

In the affidavit, Gen. Danjuma had argued that the extension of his licence on OPL 246 predates the conversion to OML regulations of 2004 upon which he claims DPR was standing to withdraw his existing rights from the field.

"As at that date the Applicant (Sapetro) and its partners TUPNL and Brasoil, have conducted substantial exploratory activities and have incurred significant capital costs and expended efforts in the afore said portion of OPL 246 which the Respondent now claims to have been mandatorily relinquished," Gen. Danjuma deposed.

The former chief of Army Staff also stated in his affidavit that Sapetro and its partners in the field had completed acquisition of 1,200 square kilometers of full BD Seismic data, one successful exploration well and approval for another exploration well in their 2006 work progrmame before the present crisis.

A company official said that Sapetro was also war

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria: FG, Danjuma Disagree Over Duration of Oil Block Licence

This Day (Lagos)
June 7, 2006
Posted to the web June 7, 2006
Chika Amanze-Nwachuku
Lagos

Former Defence Minister, General Theophilus Danjuma (rtd), yesterday faulted the Federal Government's claim that other holders of Oil Prospecting Licences (OPLs) relinquished the unconverted portion of their OPLs, after being granted a first Oil Mining Lease (OML), insisting that the companies, which returned the remnant of their OPLs to the government, did so because the life of the OPLs had expired.

Danjuma, who is the owner of South Atlantic Petroleum Ltd (SAPETRO), holder of the OPL 246, said all the relinquished OPLs were mostly acreages awarded in 1993, whose validity expired in 2003.

Counsel to SAPETRO, Mr Charles Candide-Johnson SAN, while addressing the court in a matter for Judicial Review brought by the company over the Federal Government's bid to auction the OPL 246, maintained that "the life of SAPETRO's OPL is still valid till March 2008."

He said the 1993 Production Sharing Contract/Oil Prospecting Licence regime, which provides for 50 per cent exclusion of the contract area on the grounds of OML is irrelevant in the instant case, which is a 1998 indegenous concession OPL.

"In 1993, there was contract of exclusion of 50 per cent, but there was none in 1998 indegenous concession OPL granted to the applicant (SAPETRO)."

But opposing SAPETRO's application yesterday, counsel for the Federal Government, Mr Fidelis Odita QC (SAN), stated that the Minister for Petroleum Resources had been telling SAPETRO since the past two years, that the unconverted portion of what was previously OPL 246 must be relinquished.

Odita, who stated that the case has nothing to do with politics, contended that every holder of an OPL has relinquished an unconverted portion of the OPL automatically upon the conversion to an OML.

He submitted that the same thing applies to both the 1993 Production Sharing Contract, as well as OPLs subject to the present regime, adding that SAPETRO was not subjected to any discriminatory treatment.

The counsel further argued that what the SAPETRO was simply complaining about is alleged breach of its private contractual rights, contending that the complaint has nothing to do with judicial review.

While noting that the Minister has the discretionary power under the Petroleum Act 1969, to grant three types of oil licences, Oil Exploration Licences, OPL and OML, the counsel declared that the action is incompetent and ought to be dismissed by the court.

Earlier, SAPETRO had argued that neither the Petroleum Act, the 2003 Regulation nor the letters of Allocation and extension of OPL 246 contained any condition pertaining to relinquishment of the residue of OPL 246 after an OML is carved out of it.

It was also the contention of the applicant company that the Act and the various regulations made pursuant to it (the Act) did not state that an OPL and OML could not co-exist in the same acreage.

It, therefore, declared that the remaining portion of its OPL 246 has not been relinquished and that interested holders have no intention to voluntarily relinquish it, pointing out that its allocation to a third party will therefore amount to compulsory revocation, which is legally an expropriation.

Justice Abdullahi Mustapha, who is the presiding Judge, adjourned the matter till June 13, for continuation of argument by government's counsel.

[Feuerblume]

Tagesspiegel 1.6.2006 Ressort: Sonderthemen

Ethanol ist Treibstoff für die Wirtschaft

Fahren immer mehr Autos unter Alkoholeinfluss, steigt auch die Nachfrage nach Zucker und Mais

Von Jonas Dowen, Chicago
Die Welt steht Kopf. Was gestern zählte, hat heute kaum mehr Bedeutung. Dort, wo gestern noch das Thema Internet die Schlagzeilen bestimmte, werden heute andere Themen diskutiert. Spät, viel zu spät, haben Politiker, Unternehmer und auch führende Köpfe der Wirtschaftsforschungsinstitute erkannt, dass die Welt von heute vom Thema Rohstoffe bestimmt wird. Mit reichlicher Verzögerung hat die Energiewirtschaft auf die Herausforderungen der heutigen Zeit reagiert.

Denn der Kampf um Rohstoffe – angesichts der politischen Entwicklungen von Kritikern bereits als „Krieg um Rohstoffe“ tituliert – hat vor allem an den Energiemärkten eine geradezu atemberaubende Dynamik entwickelt. Dabei sind es jene Thesen, die die Fachleute des Club of Rome bereits vor Jahrzehnten mit dem Hinweis auf die Erschöpflichkeit der Rohstoffvorräte aufgestellt haben, die die Welt erschrecken lassen. Jene Experten, die mit den Thesen vom „Peak Oil“ bereits vor vielen Jahren das absehbare Ende des Ölzeitalters ankündigten, schwiegen viel zu lange. Heute erinnert man sich nicht nur wieder ihrer Thesen, sondern nimmt sie sogar her, um in der Wirtschaft eine Aufbruchsstimmung zu erzeugen, die von ihrer Bedeutung her an die frühe Phase des Industrialisierungs-Zeitalters erinnert.

Dabei wird nicht zuletzt ein Thema zum Megatrend hochgespielt, das bei den Agrar-Fachleuten hier in Chicago für Erregung sorgt. Bei den erneuerbaren – also regenerativen Energien – soll nach dem Willen der Politik auch stärker auf Bioenergien wie Ethanol und Biodiesel gesetzt werden. Über eines muss sich die Welt allerdings im Klaren sein: Die Lücke an den Energiemärkten werden diese Bioenergien nicht wirklich schließen können. Ungeachtet dessen ist weltweit rund um den Komplex Ethanol und Biodiesel längst eine blühende Industrie entstanden, die Anlegern ein interessantes Betätigungsfeld bietet. Dass sich führende Köpfe der Wirtschaft wie Bill Gates – der reichste Mann der Welt – in diesem Sektor bereits engagiert haben, spricht eine eindeutige Sprache.

Dass Ethanol – ein meist aus Zucker und Mais gewonnener Treibstoff – immer stärker ins grelle Rampenlicht der Börsenszene gerückt ist, kann nicht nur an den zahlreichen Anlageprodukten erkannt werden, die Banken in jüngster Zeit emittiert haben. Darüber hinaus sind sowohl Ethanol als Energieträger als auch Zucker und Mais – also jene Rohstoffe, die Grundlagen für die Herstellung von Ethanol sind – bei den Verantwortlichen der Terminbörsen zu einem wichtigen Thema geworden. Sowohl in den USA als auch in Brasilien werden nämlich bereits Futureskontrakte auf Ethanol gehandelt.

An der US-Terminbörse Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) ist der Preis für eine Gallone von aus US-Mais hergestelltem Ethanol analog zum Rohöl- und Benzinpreis zuletzt zeitweise auf das Rekordniveau von beinahe drei Dollar je Gallone gestiegen. Der Preis orientierte sich dabei sehr eng am steigenden Preistrend für Rohöl und für Benzin in den USA. Zum Vergleich: Noch im Oktober des Jahres 2005 hatte eine Gallone dieser erneuerbaren Energie am CBOT lediglich 1,60 Dollar gekostet. „Ethanol ist derzeit ein Trend im Megatrend der erneuerbaren Energien“, zeigt sich Herbert Wertz, Fondsmanager bei AMB Generali, optimistisch.

Das Interesse an diesen Produkten haben die Fachleute der US-Investmentbank kürzlich zur Auflegung von zwei Bonuszertifikaten (währungsgesichert und nicht währungsgesichert) auf jene Rohstoffe genutzt, aus denen Ethanol hergestellt wird – nämlich Zucker in Brasilien und Mais in Nordamerika. Die den Zertifikaten zu Grunde liegenden Basiswerte sind mit einem Anteil von jeweils 50 Prozent der GSCI Corn Excess Return Index und der GSCI Sugar Excess Return Index. Konkret bedeutet dies: Wenn die Nachfrage nach Ethanol in den nächsten Jahren zunehmen sollte, spricht vieles dafür, dass auch die Preise für Mais und Zucker weiter steigen und der Anleger in diesem Fall über einen steigenden Wert der Zertifikate Kursgewinne erzielt.

[Feuerblume]

igeria to review agreements with major oil companies


The Nigerian federal government has decided to review all the agreements with major oil multinationals operating in the country in the interest of the nation, the state- owned News Agency of Nigeria reported on Wednesday.

Federal Minister of Petroleum Resources Edmund Daukoru was quoted as saying that "the exercise will take place before the end of this year and will be one legacy President Obasanjo will leave in the upstream sector of the oil and gas industry."

The initiative meant that the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) would take up the operations of a number of oil blocks, he said.

The agreements included the Joint Operating Agreements (JOAs), Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs) and the Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs).

According to the oil minister, the exercise will reduce the problems of cash calls since it will address squarely funding in the upstream as well as profit sharing between operating companies and the NNPC.

"The exercise, when carried out, will boost government's revenue as well as interest in the upstream sector," he said.

He added that Nigeria was taking a cue from countries such as Algeria and Venezuela where cash calls were not much of a problem to the government.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez had raised percentages of all operating agreements with oil companies to 50/50 in terms of profit sharing, and asked any company not interested with the new arrangement to leave the country.

Source: Xinhua

[Feuerblume]

FG has no right to cancel OPL 246 — SAPETRO
By Innocent Anaba
Posted to the Web: Friday, June 09, 2006



As hearing in the suit by South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPETRO), an indigenous oil firm owned by former Defense Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, Operator of Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 246, continued before a Federal High Court sitting in Lagos, Danjuma’s firm is insisting that the federal government has no right to order it to relinquish part of the OPL.

South Atlantic is praying the court to declare the decision of the Minister in two letters in March 2006 asserting the “mandatory” relinquishment or forfeiture of OPL 246 without its consent is “perverse, arbitrary, capricious irrational and unreasonable, unilateral and unlawful confiscation of the rights and interest granted to the applicant under OPL 246, is wrongful and exceeds the power granted to the Minister of Petroleum Resources” under existing legislation.The company also want an order of injunction restraining the “respondent by himself, his agent, privies, delegates or howsoever otherwise from doing any acts or omitting to do any acts in a manner that is inconsistent with the Applicant’s right and/or legitimate expectation to a grant of an additional Oil Mining Lease (OML) from the remaining area of OPL 246".

SAPETRO is also praying the court to declare that by virtue of Petroleum Act 1969 and all subsidiary legislation thereunder including OPL (Conversion to Oil Mining, Leases, etc) Regulations 2004, its rights and interest in OPL 246 remained extant for its express tenure (until March 2008) notwithstanding the grant of OML 130 out of the area of OPL 246.

According to counsel to the company, Adeyemi Candide-Johnson (SAN), “the applicant is seeking orders to protect its unexpired rights in the OPL granted to it under the Petroleum Act 1969. Although on the face of the Deed the duration is 5 years commencing from February 23, 1998, it is not disputed that the OPL 246 has been extended to a further period of 5 years from the expiration of the 1st term, 2003. The power to extend the duration of an OPL is contained in the Deep Offshore and Inland Basin Production Sharing Contract Decree 1999 Sections 2 and 17".

“OPL 246 is valid until March 2008 and this fact is not in dispute. On February 21, 2005 the Minister of Petroleum granted OML 130, granted out of OPL 246. This is significant because in 2005 when ordinarily the 1st term of the OPL 246 should have expired, the Minister recognised its existency by granting OML 130 to the applicant for another period of 10 year.”

“Law as provided under Sections 10 and 12 Act fixes the tenure of an OML. Section 19 says that an OML shall not exceed 20 years. Section 12 provides that after 10 years, the holder shall relinquish one half of the area. This is significant because if the legislation had intended to achieve it in any other area, it would have expressly provided so. Also in the document dated February 24, 2005, granting the OML, the Minister imposed no condition for the grant. He did not say anything about relinquishing the balance in OPL 246.”

“We are not concerned with Regulations here, but rather with the question: whether any law compulsorily revokes the balance of OPL 246 granted to the Applicant by the Minister for Petroleum. The remedies we are seeking are one of declaration. It is trite that where it is alleged that a government Minister is acting beyond his powers, such arbitrary powers can be checked. As it concerns declaration, the Court has a discretion to also grant injunctions. We contend that mandatory relinquishment amounts to mandatory revocation. The Court therefore should grant unto us an injunction restraining the Defendants/Respondents from carrying out the revocation till March 2008 when the lease will expire. The OML 130 is to expire in 20 years from the 23rd day of February, 2005".

[gipsywoman]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.024.761 von Feuerblume am 09.06.06 12:30:40

am besten, die ertränken sich alle im meer um 246, dann hat´s endlich ruhe!

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria’s political economy, N’Delta and presidency
• Friday, Jun 9, 2006
If Peace and Justice must reign in Nigeria, then Nigerian political leaders must empower and sustain our nascent democracy by exhibiting patriotic sensitivity to the cries of the beleaguered communities in the Niger Delta Region.

The Bible reminds us of the spiritual importance of time. In Ecc. 3:1-11. There is a time for everything under the sun. A time for giving birth, a time for dying. Niger Delta, in the past years, had witnessed human and environmental degradation, poverty, injustice, killings of their youths, women, elders, intellectuals and rights activists. They have paid the greatest price in keeping Nigeria one. They have also suffered most in providing Nigerians $600 billion over the decades.

This is now the time to recognise that the region deserves economic and political compensation.

The revolutionary development strides attained by Governor Peter Odili in Rivers State in the past six years manifestly confirm the adage of the ancient Roman leaders and Kings that catapulted Rome into a global empire. This latin theme runs thus: “Do mihi locum standi, et moveam terream”. Give me a place to stand and I shall move the world.

Whereas political leaders in many developed and developing nations struggle to leave a befitting and lasting legacy just as the leaders of ancient Rome attained. America, today the leading power in the world, has in the past two hundred and thirty years, (1776-2005), produced presidents some of whose policies contributed to consolidate the American values, strengths and vision to make her the dominant power in the world. Some past American presidents are fondly remembered for their revolutionary strides –such as Abraham Lincoln and most remarkably, FDR – Franklin Delano Rosevelt. According to that ebullient American Philosopher and Political Economist , Lyndon La-Rouchet, “in times of crisis, the instincts of all knowledgeable US patriots is to arrest the principle of the sovereign nation-state as expressed by our declaration of independence and federal constitution”.

Of all American presidents, from George Washington to George W.Bush, La-Rouche asserts. “It was the use of constitutional authority under the administration of President Franklin Roosevelt which enabled us to conduct a two-front sustained war, to lead thus in defeating and crushing what could have been otherwise a worldwide imperial tyranny of the Nazi system”. The American system tradition led to the evolution of what became known as the “American System of Political Economy’, which was typically exemplified by the leadership of that great patriot, President Franklin Roosevelt, inaugurated in March 1933.

Nigeria, a uniquely developing nation of 150 million people has a moral imperative to evolve a tradition of values, anchored on genuine development by producing altruistic political leaders. Our forty years of independence, (1960-2000), could be characterised as years of chequered political and economic development distortions which have produced an equally negative image of the most populous black nation in the world.

The greatest challenge before Nigeria is to institutionalise peace through genuine development by evolving a completely radical developmental philosophy to assuage the agonies of the governed. One region of Nigeria holds the key to peace in the country, that is the Niger Delta region. President Obasanjo’s first term in office witnessed an explosion of bottled up anger and frustration, which subsequently resulted in uncontrolled aggression by various communities, particularly in the oil-producing areas of the Niger Delta. But great leaders emerge by the policies they conceive and implement to confront complex problems. Between 1934 and 1959, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe and his African new found leaders notably Kwame Nkrumah and Sekou Joure evolved policies, which they fought with their lives to gain independence for their countries. These pioneer African leaders were no doubt inspired by their training and exposure in America and must have been influenced by the quantum leap of America, but American political analysts and scholars consistently point to the era of President Roosevelt, inaugurated in March 1933, just a month after the emergence of the Nazi dictatorship of Adolf Hitler in February 1933 in Germany. While Hitler consolidated his murderous policies which culminated in the second world war, 1939-1945.

American President Roosevelt consolidated and articulated innovative and pragmatic policies which according to La-Rouche “enabled the USA to escape the kind of political fate which overtook Germany under Hitler … only Roosevelt’s leadership made possible the defeat of the threatened Nazi world empire under Adolf Hitler”. Subsequent policies anchored on the American tradition of political economy have made America to provide those socio-economic and political conditions that gave rise to the explosion of individuals talents and creativity, characterised by ingenious inventions that transformed the America dream into American greatness.

The question now arises, what have Nigerian nascent political leaders been able to provide in the last seven years? What is the impact of the new leaders? The political terrain in Nigeria before 1999 was chaotic and uncertain. But Nigerians were overwhelmingly determined to support their new won democracy. However, the Nigerian nascent political leaders took the challenge of leadership to make a mark that will send a strong message to the erstwhile military leaders who ruled for over thirty-eight, out of Nigeria’s forty-five years as an independent nation (1960-2005).

Nigeria’s were elated with the new democracy and had rising if not revolutionary expectations from the new political leadership that came on board on May 29, 1999. Immediately – after the enthronement of democracy, the latent anger and frustration among several ethnic groups in the Niger Delta and the masses of unemployed youths exploded into a uncontrollable and anarchic outburst. The threat to the nascent democracy was real and President Obasanjo who quickly realised that the oil exploration companies were under threat reacted with a familiar military tradition of sending troops to the oil areas to protect the oil wells and restore peace. It is an irony that the crisis has since 2000 soared and spread, but the governmental has never failed to counter the militants. The South-South, which incidentally is home to the major oil-producing states, has had a dual challenge to meet the aspirations of their people, grossly neglected in the scheme of equitable resource sharing and terribly traumatised by the environmental degradation of their land caused by oil spills and gas flares. Have the communities received respite? Definitely No! hence the continuous tension, crisis and threats of further attacks of oil companies and their flow stations. With the National Conference at Abuja, the Niger Delta communities were optimistic that their problems would receive humane attention by Nigerians wise men. The signals from the deliberations have further aborted their dreams.

The Governor of the South-South states Bayelsa, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Edo, Delta and Rivers, have also major challenges arising from the restiveness of the communities and the natural hazards from oil spill, oil flares and pollution all of which have made life impossible for these communities.

Isaac Boro

The militancy in the region over the past six years has been as a result of anger and frustration of the communities over what they consider gross insensitivity to their needs. Their governors have therefore been forced to invest a huge percentage of their resources to quell the incessant explosions which have led to losses of thousands of lives and destruction of property worth billions of Naira. Ironically had the federal government invested such billions of naira directly or through increased revenue to the Niger Delta region in providing for the needs of the people, much of anger would have been tempered.

The crisis in the Niger-Delta exploded in the early sixties, when Isaac Boro launched a major revolution to seize the oil installations in the area using an armed gang and to possibly secede. That war preceded the Biafran war of 1967. Isaac Boro, became a hero and was subsequently absorbed in the Nigerian Army. He died fighting for the cause of One Nigeria.

After Isaac Boro, Ken Saro Wiwa took up the challenge for human rights and environmental degradation. Among those who supported the cause were thousands of human rights activities in Niger Delta area and their fellow compatriots from other parts of Nigeria. They also included members of academia and friends of the region in the diaspora. They have sustained the battle all these years and have in the past ten years lost thousands of lives directly and through military intimidations, amongst them were the “Ogoni Nine” and the “Ogoni Four” of blessed memory. Credit must go to these patriots for their courage in confronting the oil companies and Nigeria military forces.

To be cont’d

Johnson is an analyst on political economy

[Feuerblume]

Der Vollständigkeit halber:

#22571 von Moneymaker_4 09.06.06 13:01:51 Beitrag Nr.: 22.025.475
im Hauptthread

Inc. Natural Resources Nigeria Limited (INCNR)

Die Verflechtungen sind vielschichtig:
Direktoren u.a.:
- Seun Obasanjo (=Olusegun Obasabjo - Präsident von Nigeria) unter dem Pseudunym: Oluwa Seun
- Bashir Turaki (Governor von Jigawa)
- ...


Bereits Anfang Mai standen die drei Blöcke auf deren Homepage,
die es wohl seit 21.02.2006 gibt.


Präsident von Nigeria
OLUSEGUN OBASANJO (Olusegun Mathew Okikiola Aremu Obasanjo)
Stamm: Yoruba
ältester Sohn: Dr. Gbenga Obasanjo
Sohn: Muyiwa Obasanjo, mit Stella Obasanjo
Sohn: Dare Obasanjo
Tochter: Dr. Iyabo Obasanjo
am 23. Oktober 2005 starb seine Ehefrau Stella bei einer Schönheitsoperation.


Vize Präsident:
Atiku Abubakar - will neuer Präsident werden, der alte darf ja nicht mehr kandidieren.


Governor von Jigawa
Alhaji Ibrahim Saminu Turaki - gewählt im Februar 1999 im Amt seit 29. Mai 1999
- 2. Frau: Samira Turaki (wohl seine "Lieblingsfrau"
- Bruder: Bashir Turaki

Firma:
Muramasa Resources , in Japan: Sesam-Export nach Japan
Inhaber: Samira Turaki, und ein Herr Naruse



Hier die Aussage von Abubakar Bagadu am 30.09.1999 vor einem Genfer Gericht:

zum besseren Verständnis:

Ibrahim Sani Abacha ==> ältester Sohn des früheren Staatschefs General Sani Abacha. starb 1996 bei einem Flugzeugabsturz.
Mohammed Sani Abacha ==> zweitältester Sohn des früheren Staatschefs General Sani Abacha.


Mohammed Sani Abacha und Abubakar Atiku Bagudu ==> haben mind. 700 Mio auf schweizer Banken verschoben.


The man who features prominently in Mohammed Abacha?s testimony in the laundering of $700 million cash is Abubakar Atiku Bagudu. He is a business associate of the Abachas who is also being investigated by a Swiss court. Already, Mohammed Abacha has admitted to lawyers that his late father once gave him $700 million cash for safe keeping at his Abuja residence. He also admitted that it was Bagudu that later arranged for the transfer of this money into various accounts owned by the Abachas in foreign banks.


-----------------------------------------------------

I am Abubakar Bagudu, a Nigerian citizen, born in Gwandu, in the northern part of the country in 1961. I belong to the Hausa tribe, one of the three major ethnic groups in the country. I first had compulsory primary education in Gwandu, then I studied economics in the University of Sokoto from 1979 to 1983. I then went to another university in Jos from 1988 to 1989, where I obtained my degree in economics. I was an assistant lecturer in the University of Sokoto between 1985 and 1989. Between 1983 and 1984, I did my NYSC for one year. From 1989 to 1991, I worked for Nigeria International Bank in Lagos. I then went to Columbia University in New York from 1992 to 1993 where I obtained a master\'s degree in International Business.

In 1993 after my master\'s degree, I worked for six months in the World Bank in Washington. I wish to state that my master\'s degree was sponsored by the World Bank. In 1993, I came back to Nigeria. I engaged myself in consulting and international trade with my partner Mr. Ibrahim Turaki. We registered a company under the name EPCEL Ltd., Lagos. We represented the French
company Pasteur Merieux Connaught. We were importing machinery.

Up till now, we are still in business and I maintain a home in Lagos, even though I now spend most of my time in London. Mr. Ibrahim Turaki and I have stopped working for EPCEL Ltd., which we sold in 1995. In February 1994, Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha, eldest son of former head of state, General Sani Abacha, joined my partner and I to form the company, Morgan Procurement Corporation, Lagos, among others. We were mostly importing vaccines. One of the companies we established is Mecosta Securities Ltd., BVI, in October 1995. We intended to engage in debt recovery and arbitration between creditors and
debtors. At the inception of Mecosta Securities Ltd., three of us namely Mr. Ibrahim Abacha, Mr. Mohammed Sani Abacha and myself had equal shares.

Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha died in a plane crash in January 1996. On that occasion, Mr. Mohammed Sani Abacha, his brother, the next in line, took up the late brother\'s share in Morgan Procurement Corporation. He also took over the shares in Mecosta Securities Ltd. In fact, Mr. Mohammed Sani Abacha and I
became equal shareholders in the company (50% - 50%). I have never held political office in Nigeria. However, my family has always been close to power. Members of my family have never held political or public office, with the exception of my father who was a Director of Primary Education in his state, Kebbi State, my state of origin. May I remind you that Nigeria is a federation of 36 states.

Kebbi State shares a border with Benin Republic. Commercially speaking, the state is highly developed because a large quantity of goods transit through it. My elder brother, Bello Bagudu, was elected a member of the federal parliament in February 1999. He is one of the six representing Kebbi State.

Neither myself nor any other member of the extended family has occupied public or political office. As for my business partners, Mr. Ibrahim Turaki was elected governor of Jigawa State in February 1999. Mr. Mohammed Sani Abacha has never held political or public office. However, as I said earlier, he is one of the sons of the former head of state, who died in June 1998.

Talking about money, my family is one of the rich families of Nigeria. I cannot state the exact figures of my family fortune. I can state that no member of my family needs to work to earn a living. Each member of the family is engaged in managing the family assets. As for me, I do not need to work because I have a personal fortune worth tens of millions of US Dollars, though I cannot quote an exact figure. Moreover, my only wife also has a personal fortune, which comes from her family or gifts. My wife is not a member of the Abacha family, nor does she belong to any of the families that once ruled Nigeria. If I am not mistaking, members of my wife\'s family occupy no public or political post. I am aware that the judge will ask me about relationship with a few individuals.

General Sani Abacha He was head of state of Nigeria between November, 1993 and June 1998, up till his death at age 57. General Abacha took power under the following circumstances: Following June 1993 elections organised by former head of state, General Babangida, a civilian president was elected namely. Mr. Abiola. The elections were annulled by General Babangida, officially due to electoral malpractices; as a result of the annulment, there were riots and disturbance of public peace in the country; as a remedy, General Babangida decided to establish a transitional government and appointed Ernest Shonekan head of state. He was overthrown by General Sani Abacha.
Before being appointed head of state, General Sani Abacha was a career military officer. He was one of the five most powerful military men in the country.

I met General Sani Abacha for the first time in 1979 in his house in Kano, his native town. I was introduced to him at home, by his son, Ibrahim Sani Abacha, but anytime I met him at home, I used to greet him. He knew I was one of the friends of his son and he knew my name. I do not think he knew any other member of my family. After he assumed power, I continued to meet him in the same manner as before. At no time did I have commercial or business links with General Sani Abacha. Our discussions were strictly limited to political exchanges. After the death of Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha, I continued visiting
the home of the general as in the past, but this time in company of Mr. Mohammed Sani Abacha. At this juncture, the general became aware of my training, asked me a few questions on the economy, but we never had any business relationship. Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha As I said earlier, he was my childhood friend. I knew him when we were very young. It is possible for
him to bear Alhaji instead of Mister, which, according to Islamic culture, means that Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha has gone on pilgrimage to Mecca.

Therefore his name can also be Alhaji Ibrahim Sani Abacha. It was Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha who was my friend. Mr.Mohammed Sani Abacha only came in after the death of Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha. Ibrahim and Mohammed Sani Abacha brothers had an international sugar company. Therefore as early as 1985, we had business links without being business partners.

As far back as February 1994, Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha and myself became business partners and Morgan Procurement Corporation was established thereafter. Our partnership began under the following circumstances: For several years, even before I went on course to Washington, Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha, had proposed that we work together; I had been refusing because before 1993, I did not want to work and, in 1993, my job in Washington took most of my interest and time; I agreed to work with Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha in 1994 because the latter had a huge fortune and I had a lot of ideas about how to invest or manage the fortune.

At that time, my fortune was much smaller than now. Even then, I did not need to work for a living. Between February 1994 and today, my fortune has considerably increased and a big portion of it comes from funds deposited by
the Central Bank of Nigeria in favour of Mecosta Securities, in the book of Goldmann Sachs, Zurich, in April 1997.

In reply to a question from the investigating judge, I explained that there is no direct link between the rise to power of General Sani Abacha in November 1993 and the fact that I accepted in February 1994 to become the business partner of his eldest son, Mr. Ibrahim Sani Abacha. It was only coincidental. However, it is probable that the fact that my new trading partner is the son of the head of state contributed to a large extent to the expansion of our business.

I am aware that my hearing will last at least a whole day, but I am prepared to go through it. I already have appointments tomorrow, but I can easily come back to Geneva. Meanwhile, I am leaving a copy of a diagram showing the itinerary of funds, the third agreement dated 16 August 1999 signed with Nigeria, as well as the draft law negotiated between the parties and
which was to be deposited with High Court of London for authentication.

[Feuerblume]

Die USA werfen ein gieriges Auge auf Westafrikas Erdöl

Afrikas Rohöl macht zur Zeit 15% des gesamten Erdölimports der USA aus und soll bis zum Jahr 2015 24% erreichen.

Von Dai Yan 1/2003

Die Länder südlich der Sahara entlang der Küste des Guinea-Golfs in Westafrika sind reich an Erdöl. Nigeria, Kamerun, Äquatorial-Guinea, Gabun, Angola und das Binnenland Tschad teilen diese Ressourcen. Der tägliche Rohölausstoß dieser Region beträgt zur Zeit 4,5 Mio. Barrel, was den gesamten Tagesausstoß Irans, Venezuelas und Mexikos überschreitet. Die Erdölindustrie dieser Region hat vielversprechende Aussichten.

Die USA sind der weltweit größte Erdölkonsument. Um ihre Erdölversorgungssicherheit zu gewährleisten, haben sie versucht, durch die Kontrolle über die Erdölproduktion und den -transport im Nahen Osten, im Persischen Golf, in Zentralasien und am Kaspischen Meer die Diversifizierung der Ressourcen zu realisieren. Sie haben jetzt begonnen, den afrikanischen Ländern südlich der Sahara große Aufmerksamkeit zu schenken. Während sie sich darauf vorbereiten, den Irak anzugreifen, und da die Situation im Nahen Osten turbulent bleibt, intensivieren die USA riesige Geldsummen in die Erschließung Afrikas Erdöls. Durch die Kontrolle Afrikas Erdöl könnten sie ihre Abhängigkeit von den Golf-Erdölproduzenten wie Saudi Arabien reduzieren, ein wichtiger Faktor, da die Beziehungen zwischen den USA und Saudi Arabien sich nach den Terroranschlägen vom 11. September angespannt haben.

Afrikas Rohöl macht momentan 15% des gesamten Ölimports der USA aus, und dieser Anteil wird weiter steigen. Nigeria, der größte Ölproduzent unter den afrikanischen Ländern südlich der Sahara, ist weltweit der sechstgrößte Erdölexporteur mit einem Tagesausstoss von 2,2 Mio. Barrel. Es rangiert an 5. Stelle des Erdölexports in die USA, die pro Tag 900 000 Barrel aus Nigeria importieren. Es wird erwartet, dass Nigeria bis zum Jahr 2007 einen Tagesausstoß von 3 Mio. Barrel haben wird. Angola hat einen Tagesausstoß von nahezu 1 Mio. Barrel und dieser Tagesausstoß wird sich bis zum Jahr 2007 wahrscheinlich verdoppeln, womit es der neuntgrößte Erdöllieferant der USA sein wird. Äquatorial-Guineas Erdölausstoß steigt ebenfalls in großem Maße, und die vor kurzem entdeckten Off-Shore-Erdölressourcen haben weltweit die Aufmerksamkeit von Erdölgesellschaften erregt. Das größte Investmentprojekt der USA in dieser Region ist die 660 Meilen lange Transportpipeline zwischen dem Tschad und Kamerun mit einem Wert von 3,5 Mrd. US$, die im Jahr 2004 fertiggestellt werden soll. Bis dahin wird der Tagesausstoß des Tschads 225 000 Barrel erreichen. Erdöl ist ebenfalls im Kongo, in der Elfenbeinküste, in Namibia und Mauretanien entdeckt worden. All dies ist für die USA von großem Interesse.

Das US-Energieministerium wird im Jahr 2003 10 Mrd. US$ in die afrikanische Erdölindustrie investieren. Schätzungen des Nationalen Sicherheitsrats der USA zufolge wird Afrikas Erdöl eines Tages 25% des gesamten Erdölimports der USA ausmachen, was die gesamte Importmenge von der Golf-Region überschreiten wird. Ein Beamter des US-Erdölsektors sagte, dass Westafrika spätestens Mitte des 21. Jahrhunderts auf dem Welt-Erdölmarkt ein wichtigerer Exporteur als Russland werden werde. Eine saudiarabische Zeitung berichtete, dass Afrika den Platz des Nahen Ostens als ein wichtigerer Erdöllieferant der USA einnehmen werde.

Afrikas Rohöl weist einzigartige Überlegenheiten auf, darunter eine hohe Qualität und ein leichter Zugang. Der größte Teil des afrikanischen Erdöls liegt im Meeresbett des Atlantiks oder kurz vor den Küsten Westafrikas. Geographisch gesehen, ist es sehr günstig für die USA, dieses Öl zu transportieren, hinzu kommt, dass die westafrikanischen Länder, die die riesigen Erdölressourcen teilen, keine historischen Beziehungen haben, und es unwahrscheinlich ist, dass sie ein gemeinsames Embargo gegen die USA durchführen werden. Darüber hinaus ist unter diesen Ländern nur Nigeria ein Mitglied der Organisation der Erdölexportländer (OPEC). Dies bedeutet, dass Afrikas neue Erdölproduktion von keiner Union beschränkt wird. Kein Rivale kann den USA bei der Gewinnung Afrikas Erdöl Konkurrenz machen. All dies ist für die Supermacht von großer und weitreichender strategischer Bedeutung.

Nach den Terroranschlägen vom 11. September legte die Lobby der amerikanischen Erdölindustrie dem Kongress und der Bush-Administration ein sogenanntes Weißbuch vor, worin sie sich dafür einsetzte, den Guinea-Golf als eine Region von wichtigem Interesse für die USA zu betrachten, und vorschlug, dort US-Truppen zu stationieren und militärische Hauptquartiere einzurichten. US-Energieminister Spencer Abraham sagte im Komitee für Internationale Beziehungen des Repräsentantenhauses im Juni, dass Afrika in der US-Energiesicherheit eine zunehmend wichtigere Rolle spiele. Der Assistent des US-Außenministers, der für die afrikanischen Angelgenheiten verantwortlich ist, äußerte, dass Afrikas Erdöl für das Land von strategischer Bedeutung sei. Ein US-Kongressabgeordneter äußerte, dass Afrika das weltweit größte Erdöllagergebiet werden werde, und dass die USA mit diesem Kontinent Sicherheitsbeziehungen aufnehmen sollten. Der US-Kongress und das Pentagon haben Themen hinsichtlich der Verstärkung des militärischen Austausches mit Afrika und der Etablierung einer militärischen Basis diskutiert, die angeblich auf dem Inselstaat São Tomé und Principe im Golf von Guinea liegen soll.

Afrika war einst ein Kontinent von geringer Wichtigkeit in der amerikanischen Diplomatie. In den 1990er stockte die Clinton-Administration ihr Investment in Afrika auf und verstärkte den Handel mit Afrika, betrachtete dieses jedoch niemals als strategisch wichtig. Mit seinen reichen Erdölressourcen steigt Afriks Stellung jetzt in den Augen der Entscheidungsmacher Washingtons kontinuierlich und wird ein neuer strategischer Ort in der US-Globalstrategie werden. Daher hat die US-Regierung ihren Kontakt mit Afrika intensiviert. Nach dem Gipfeltreffen der Gruppe 8 verkündete US-Präsident George W. Bush, dass die USA für Afrikas Bildungs- und Gesundheitswesen Millionen US$ bereitstellen würden. In diesem September traf Präsident Bush in den Vereinten Nationen mit 10 afrikanischen Staatsführern zusammen und forderte diese auf, sich an einige Waffenstillstandsabkommen zu halten sowie sich der Anti-Terrorimus-Kampagne anzuschließen, und verkündete seinen Afrika-Besuch Anfang des nächsten Jahres.

US-Außenminister Colin Powell besuchte im August einige Afrikas ölproduzierender Länder, darunter Angola und Gabun, und nahm an der Gründungszeremonie der amerikanischen Botschaft in Angola teil. Am 16. September hielt Powell eine Rede in der UNO über den neuen Plan für die Entwicklung einer Partnerschaft mit den afrikanischen Ländern. Ein US-Beamter für Afrikanische Studien äußerte, dass die Regierung die Notwendigkeit der stärkerer Berücksichtigung der afrikanischen Angelegenheiten erkannt habe.

In einem Artikel der New York Times hieß es kürzlich, dass die Bush-Administration Afrika einen Heiratsantrag mache, um an dessen Aussteuer – Erdöl – zu gelangen. In der Tat machen die USA dies auf eine verstohlene Weise, um so die Opposition ihrer Alliierten im Nahen Osten und den Argwohn anderer Länder zu vermeiden. Während der Zusammenkunft mit afrikanischen Staatsführern sprachen die amerikanischen Beamten wenig über Erdöl und mehr darüber, wie regionale Konflikte zu beenden seien, über die Bekämpfung der Korruption, die Verbesserung der Bildung und die Verstärkung der sozialen Dienstleistungen, um ihre wahren Absichten der Gewinnung des Erdöls in der Region zu decken und den OPEC-Einfluss zu reduzieren. Im Jahr 1995 trat Gabun aus der OPEC aus. Auch Nigeria überlegt momentan seinen Austritt. Dies wird die Kontrolle dieser Organisation über den Welt-Erdölmarkt in großem Maße schwächen. Eine wichtige Persönlichkeit in der amerikanischen Erdölindustrie gab zu, dass die USA eine langfristige Strategie hätten, die OPEC zu schwächen, und dass eine der Methoden zur Realisierung dieses Ziels sei, einigen Ländern zu raten, aus dieser Organisation auszutreten.

Afrika ist rückständig und afrikanische Länder hoffen, durch Erdöl ihre Wirtschaften zu entwickeln. US-Invesment in Afrika wird jedoch unvermeidlich zur Einmischung der USA in die inneren Angelegenheiten der Ölproduktionsländer, und zwar unter dem Vorwand von „Demokratie“, „Menschenrechten“ und „Anti-Terrorismus“, führen. Auf diese Weise können die USA ihre politische Kontrolle über afrikanische Länder intensivieren, was sicher zu Widersprüchen und Disputen führen wird. Gleichzeitig ist Afrika immer noch in politische und wirtschaftliche Turbulenzen und ethnische Konflikte verwickelt. Daher ist US-Investment in Afrika riskant, und die Sicherheit seines Erdölimports von Afrika ist problematisch.

Afrikas Erdöl werde zunehmend wichtiger für die amerikanischen strategischen Interessen, sagte ein Beamter des US-Forschungszentrums für Strategische und Internationale Studien. Das Problem sei, äußert er, wie groß die Wachstumsrate des Erdölausstosses sein werde, und wie die politische Haltung der USA gegenüber diesen Ländern die Erdölproduktion beeinflussen werde. Es gibt noch unbekannte Faktoren in den amerikanischen Beziehungen mit den afrikanischen Ländern, und die Entwicklung der Situation Westafrikas verdient, weiter beobachtet zu werden.

[Feuerblume]

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Dieser Beitrag wurde vom System automatisch gesperrt. Bei Fragen wenden Sie sich bitte an [e-mail]

[Feuerblume]

Für diejenigen, die das Big Picture im Auge haben, dürfte es auch interessant sein, dass der Governorr des Jigawa States, der bekanntlich, neben dem unnamed canadian Investor, der andere Partner beim INCNR Joint Venture ist, Ambitionen hat, Präsident Obasanjo zu beerben:

Zitat: Also, seven governors have indicated interest to run. They includes: Alhaji Saminu Turaki of Jigawa State elected on the platform of the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) who has signalled his desire to contest under the PDP. Turaki decamped to the PDP last week.

[Explorerdoktor]

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Dieser Beitrag wurde vom System automatisch gesperrt. Bei Fragen wenden Sie sich bitte an [e-mail]

[colouredanthouse]

!

Dieser Beitrag wurde vom System automatisch gesperrt. Bei Fragen wenden Sie sich bitte an [e-mail]

[Explorerdoktor]

!

Dieser Beitrag wurde vom System automatisch gesperrt. Bei Fragen wenden Sie sich bitte an [e-mail]

[Feuerblume]

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[CaptainProton]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.057.848 von Feuerblume am 11.06.06 17:46:57

" ... werden sich wohl sehr bald die entscheidenden Dinge herauskristallisieren ... "

Wobei sich erst einmal zeigen muss ob und wie groß der Anteil von EnerGulf in Nigeria sein wird.

Bisher ist die Bude ja ausschließlich als Mikro-Partner mit einstelligen (5% und 9,5%) Anteilen in Erscheinung getreten.
Ob Vereinbahrungen über Explorationsarbeiten (aka Wühlmaus) hinaus gehen ist nicht eindeutig belegt.

[Santiagero]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.058.972 von CaptainProton am 11.06.06 19:31:19

CP, ENG hat gar keinen Anteil, der Block ist definitiv weg. Dafür gibt es Quellen ohne Ende.

Den Block 252 hat INCNR in der mini bid round am 19.5. 06 zugesprochen bekommen.

nur FB behauptet,dass ENG noch im Spiel sei!

ENG selbst sagt ja im update nur, dass man weiter evaluieren würde und oppotunities hätte in Nigeria, dazu gehöre auch 252.
Das heißt natürlich, dass der frühere formale Anspruch flöten ist und dass man jetzt irgenwie aus der Nummer raus ist.

Im alten thread nach den neuen Regeln darf FB jedenfalls nicht mehr behaupten ,dass ENG noch in Nigeria bei Block 252 am Ball sei.

Gelogen ist es sowieso!!

[colouredanthouse]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.059.129 von Santiagero am 11.06.06 19:47:19

Bitte nenne mir den canadischen Investor, der an INCNR beteiligt ist oder nenne eine Quelle aus der hervorgeht, dass Energulf definitiv nicht dieser Investor ist!

Kannst du es nicht wäre ja die Aussage in #176 falsch!

Gruß,

CAH

[sinford]

Aber dann müsste Eng morgen ja volle absacken, wenn das war wäre??!!

[Feuerblume]

Bevor mir mal wieder falsche Zitate untergeschoben werden, stelle ich nachstehend mein letztes Posting zu dieser Geschichte ein.

Interessieren würde mich, ob das INCNR-Joint Venture http://www.incnr.com/ durch Neugründung entstanden ist, oder ob der/die Partner später aufgenommen werden.

---------------

Auszug aus meinem heutigen Posting im Namibia-Thread:

Dem breiten Publikum nach wie vor unklar ist die Situation in Nigeria. Die Information aus der Presse

INC Natural Resources -- a joint venture between Jigwa State and an unidentified Canadian firm -- won Blocks 292 and 252 in return for $100 million in bonuses and a promised $4 billion ethanol plant. A company named Clearwater -- owned by the Rivers state government -- took Block 289 for $10 million, in return for promising $1.5 billion of power station investments in the local region


geht erheblich über diejenige aus der Presseerklärung von Energulf hinaus:

The EnerGulf/Derock JV continues to evaluate Nigeria and opportunities there, including OPL 252. Political and business events are being closely monitored amid conflicting news and reports. The EnerGulf/Derock JV has representatives in country providing internal reports, which EnerGulf considers its best source of actual events.


Unbestritten ist, dass INCNR die Blöcke bereits am 3.5.2006, also vor Abschluss der Mini-Bid-Round auf seiner Homepage listete, sich seiner Sache also sicher war. Dies unterstützt Presseberichte (siehe mein Nigeria-Thread) dass der Präsident Nigerias selbst im Management bei INCNR sitzt und es erklärt auch die Schmallippigkeit des Energulf-Managementes hinsichtlich Nigeria. Bemerkenswert ist allerdings, dass es gleich um 3 Blöcke geht, die wenn vor Gericht obsiegt wird, vermutlich in das Joint-Venture fallen werden.

Die Situation in Nigeria ist allerdings selbst für die Insider nicht abschließend zu beurteilen, zumal Sapetro auch an OPL252 Rechte geltend macht. Derzeit wird allerdings ein Musterprozess wegen OPL246 geführt, der auch hinsichtlich der Eigentumsverhältnisse zu OPL252 Bedeutung haben dürfte. Nächster Gerichtstermin 13.6.2006.

Insgesamt ist die Situation also durchaus erfreulich. In Sachen Nigeria ist zumindest ein Teilerfolg zu erwarten und die Bewertung des Namibia-Vertrages wird nicht nur Grundlage der Finanzierung sein sondern sie wird zu einer Neubewertung der Aktie führen, welche die in diesem Forum vertretenen Propheten des Unterganges verstummen lassen wird.

[Santiagero]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.059.260 von colouredanthouse am 11.06.06 19:56:18

wie bist Du denn drauf, seit wann muss ich denn sowas beweisen.Di Pflicht liegt doch wohl umgekehrt bei dem,der behauptet, ENG sei bei block 252 noch dabei!!
Im übrigen gibt es genügend Quellen , die ENG namentl. als draußen erwähnen, andere Quellen erwähnen im Zusammhang mit der mini runde ausschließlich INCNR als Gewinner von Block 252 aus und nur weil irgendwo ein can.investor mit dabei sein soll ist das nicht ENG.

Definitiv draußen kann ich deswegen behaupten, weil sie zu Block 252 keine formalen Rechte mehr im letzten upddate erwähnen!-Nur noch Interesse.

Aber der Block ist weg und hier zu behaupten ,ENG wäre der can. Investor mag der Inhalt von euren Träumen sein, aber das Wesen des Investors ist es, Geld zu haben und zwar einiges.

Alein deswegen kommt ENG hier schon gar nicht in Frage. Täumt weiter, von geheimen Botschaften ,die in dieser letzten Meldung nur Erleuchteten wie FB auffallen und erkenntlich sind:

ENG wahrscheinlich 3 Blöcke, listing in USA und ein zweite IPO, was bisher in der Welt der Börsen so unmöglich ist wie eine zweite Entjunferung, aber FB weiß Bescheid.LOL

[Feuerblume]

[iZitat: ]m alten thread nach den neuen Regeln darf FB jedenfalls nicht mehr behaupten ,dass ENG noch in Nigeria bei Block 252 am Ball sei.[/i]

Das ist großer Unsinn.

Erstens einmal gibt es im alten Thread keine "neuen" Regeln, sondern es gelten die alten, deren Beachtung MadMod lediglich noch einmal in Erinnerung gerufen hat.

Und explizit verboten hat mir WO auch nichts. Es gibt keinen Schriftverkehr mit dem Moderator.

Die von dir im zitat aufgestellte Behauptung ist schlicht unc einfach wieder eine deiner dümmlichen Lügen.

[Explorerdoktor]

September 2005 Energulf kündigt an das Nigeria "im Sack" sei.

http://www.oilvoice.com/EnerGulf_Awarded_Nigeria_Block_252/4…

Dezember 2005 Energulf kündigt an das man eine Verängerung der Frist zur Bezahlung erhalten habe.

http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0EIN/is_2005_Dec_…

Mai 2006 Der Block 252 wird in der Mini Bid Round erneut versteigert

http://allafrica.com/stories/200605190469.html

Mai 2006 Der Gewinner des Blocks 252 wird bekannt gegeben es ist INC Natural Resources

http://www.rigzone.com/news/article.asp?a_id=32381


Und wer jetzt noch behaptet Nigeria sein nicht weg der soll das klar mit Quellen belegen, sonst werde ich sofort den MOD einschalten. Nicht weil ich so etwas gerne mache sondern weil es schichtweg eine Falschmeldung ist.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.059.612 von Explorerdoktor am 11.06.06 20:15:53

#181 lesen und das Posting wäre entbehrlich gewesen. OPL252 konnte nicht frei von Rechten Dritter übertragen werden. Eine Bezahlung verbot sich daher von selbst.

[Folterknecht]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.059.438 von Feuerblume am 11.06.06 20:06:12

Betrifft Nigeria ,nächster Grichtstermin für Block 252 etc. 13.06.06 , "Leute " bei allem Optimismus , das muss nicht heißen ,dass das Gericht am 13.06.06 entscheidet ,es kann vertagen,etc. !!!Hier werden schon wieder HOFFNUNGEN geweckt ,die sich so schnell nicht erfüllen lassen ,in AFRIKA läuft es noch langsamer als bei UNS,genauso KONGO,was soll da jetzt kommen ,der KONGO befindet sich in einem Bürgerkrieg ,Ende und Ausgang ungewiss ,wer die Fäden in Zukunft in der Hand hält,weiß niemand ,also wieder einmal alles völlig unrealistisch vom ZEITABLAUF /ERWARTUNGEN!!! OHNE "LIMIT " an die Sache rangehen und nicht HAUS und HOF setzen ,so das wärs !!!

[CaptainProton]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.059.461 von Santiagero am 11.06.06 20:07:24

" ... Täumt weiter, von geheimen Botschaften ,die in dieser letzten Meldung nur Erleuchteten wie FB auffallen und erkenntlich sind:
ENG wahrscheinlich 3 Blöcke, listing in USA und ein zweite IPO, was bisher in der Welt der Börsen so unmöglich ist wie eine zweite Entjunferung, aber FB weiß Bescheid.LOL ... "

Schöne und knackige Zusammenfassung !

[Explorerdoktor]

September 2005 Energulf erhält eine Option auf ein "25 % working interest" in Namibia Block 1711

http://www.namibia-botschaft.de/47_744.htm

Novenber 2005 Energulf erhält ein angebot auf ein "17% working interest" in Namibia Block 1711

http://www.oilvoice.com/Energulf_Offered_Interest_in_Namibia…

März 2006 Energulf unterzeichnet ein "10% working interest" in Nabia Block 1711

http://www.africanoiljournal.com/3-31-2006%20energulf_secure…


Irgendwie schon komisch das der Anteil mit der Zeit immer kleiner wurde. Da bin ich ja mal gespannt wieviel % Energulf irgendwann einmal, vorrausgesetz dort ist überhaupt wirtschaftlich förderbares Öl, an der Produktion erhält. "Working interest" ist keine "production liscense" kostet also nur Geld und bringt keinen Cent ein.

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[Feuerblume]

Dieser Artikel, einer von mehreren, macht den Streit wegen OPL252 klar und belegt auch, warum der Deal nicht geklappt hat.

NCNR ready for fight with Sapetro over awards

By Upstream staff

ONE Nigerian company poised to go head-to-head in the courts with fellow independent South Atlantic Petroleum (Sapetro) over acreage awards is Inc Natural Resources Nigeria (INCNR), writes Barry Morgan.
A legal battle seems inevitable as the Lagos-based Department of Petroleum Resources has gone ahead to reallocate the licence despite contested title to acreage.

In addition to claiming to have been awarded the relinquished portions of OPL 252 and OPL 217, the new exploration and production outfit has laid claim to OPL 246, which is still operated by Sapetro.

Based in Port Harcourt, INCNR has offices in Abuja and Lagos and has said it will "draw up a field development plan in a bid to see it hit first oil in under five years". INCNR added: "World-class technology and expertise will be sourced from leading E&P companies."

However, on its own admission, INCNR has yet to begin recruitment. Industry observers pointed out it was highly irregular for a company to publish a successful bid even before the Department of Petroleum Resources has set a date for announcing awards.

Critics question how the clandestine award of sensitive blocks to previously unknown "briefcase companies" in Nigeria\'s soon-to-be-concluded mini-round reflects on the government\'s commitment to transparency.

[Feuerblume]

Die Anteile richten sich naturgemäß nach den Leistungen, welche die Partner erbringen. Wer nur 10 % der Kosten hat, kann keine 17,5 % der Erträge haben.

Das die Russen ein Großteil des technischen Equipments einbringen (und daher auch den Löwenanteil der Kosten tragen) ist der Anteil von Energulf naturgemäß kleiner geworden. Dafür sind auch die Kosten geringer geworden.

Aus solch einer einseitigen Betrachtung kann also kein Nährwert gezogen werden.

[Explorerdoktor]

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Angesichts der Mission die sich INCNR gibt

INCNR's plan is to bring onboard key petroleum industry professionals with vast years of experience and technological know-how. For technological challenges that lie ahead, the plan is to apply world class technology with expertise supplied from some of the world's leading E & P resource companies.

dürfte zumindest klar sein, dass der "unnamed canadian investor" ein "unnamed canadian explorer" ist, denn nur ein solcher ist geeignet, den Unternehmenszweck von INCNR zu fördern. hihi

[colouredanthouse]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.063.954 von Feuerblume am 12.06.06 00:00:11

Exzellent und Regelkonform

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.064.380 von colouredanthouse am 12.06.06 00:34:04

Jetzt wäre es interessant, einmal im Handelsregister Einblick zu nehmen, ob der unnamed canadian investor schon als Gesellschafter aufgenommen wurde (mit welchem Anteil) und ob er schon bei Gründung dabei war, was m.E. auf ein JV an allen 3 Blocks hindeuten würde.

Das Geld würde ich dranhängen, jedoch braucht man dazu spezielles elektronisches Geld um eine Online-Abfrage zu starten http://80.179.243.131/contentpinnacle/standard/dtivcdic.dll?…

[Feuerblume]

‘Oil Licences Revocation ’ll Hamper Investors' Confidence’
By Chika Amanze-Nwachuku, 06.12.2006

Former Minister for Defence, General Theophilus Dan-juma(rtd), has cautioned against the planned bid by the Federal Government to revoke Oil Prospecting Licences (OPL 246), when its validity is yet to expire, and warned that the development will impact negatively on investors' confidence in Nigeria.
Danjuma, who sued the Federal Government through his company, South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPETRO), an indigenous firm, over government's moves to sell the OPL 246, said "it is in the long term interest of the Nigerian Government to maintain the sanctity of the contracts (Deeds) it signed and not to arbitrarily erode the value of investments."
In its affidvit of compliance, of the applicant filed through Mr Charles Candide-Johnson, SAPETRO claimed that the oil blocks were awarded to it on "sole risk" basis, meaning that if no yield was found, the holder could not share any part of the loss with the government.
It, therefore, argued that "the Government exercising its powers in a most punitive manner against SAPETRO, an indigenious company, will set a dangerous and unhealthy precedence and will impact negatively on investors' confidence in Nigeria."
The company stated that the interest holders in the OPL 246 are SAPETRO, (60%), Total Upstream Nigeria Limited (24%), and Brasoil Oil Services Company Nigeria Lmited (16%) while 40 per cent was assigned to the other companies with approval of the Minister of Petroleum.
According to the claimant (SAPETRO) in 2004, the FG through the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), requested it (SAPETRO) and her partners to carve out (100 km 2m) from the South East corner of OPL 246. This the FG said was to be included in the joint Development Zone (Special Regime Area) between Nigeria and Sao Tome and Principe. The claimant said, it accepted the request in good faith with its partners.
The company further averred that after commercial quantities were discovered in the "sole risk" venture, the FG amended the law by passing a regulation which allowed it to automatically acquire two thirds of the 60 per cent of SAPETRO.
Besides, the claimant averred that in fulfilment of the terms of the offers, it paid the FG Signature Bonus of $29 million between April 14, 1997 and September 1997, and that its total investment in the "sole risk" venture including payments to the FG as at April 2005 was in excess of $755 million.

While maintaining that its rights and interest in the OPL 246 remained extant for its express tenure (until March 2008), the company maintained that it has no intention to voluntarily relinquish the OPL 246, restating that to allocate it to a third party would amount to compulsory revocation which is legally an expropriation.
Meawhile hearing in the application for judicial review continues on Teusday, June 13, before Justice Abdullahi Abubakar.

[Feuerblume]

Morgen ist bekanntlich ein wichtiger Tag wegen der umstrittenen Eigentumsrechte. Informationen wahrscheinlich erst gegen Abend.

Aber diese Information ist auch interessant:

The other side of democracy
By Magnus Onyibe
Posted to the Web: Monday, June 12, 2006

RECENTLY, the entire country’s intelligentsia, comprising the executive, legislative and judicial arms of government and even the corporate world was gripped by the fever of constitutional review, branded tenure elongation or third term which sharply divided the nation into protagonists and antagonists of government. Let us imagine for a moment, that a similar fervour and brinkmanship deployed in the prosecution of the constitutional review exercise is applied in seeking solutions to the nation’s ailing economy, with debates on how electricity generation and distribution capacity can be boosted to drive industrial growth or how the nation can derive maximum benefits from the exploration, refining and distribution of petroleum products by plugging leakages arising from the monopoly of transportation of our crude oil overseas by foreigners and how local fabrication of parts can be achieved and the ways and means through which the importation of some finished products can be accomplished.

Disappointingly, such issues as the ones listed above that could steer the nation to the path of economic progress, manifesting in improved living standard of our people hardly engage the attention of our political leaders or generate the type of passion and zeal that the third term debate raised. At times like this when the world is moving into trade blocks, emerging markets are forming alliances to take advantage of collective bargaining and regional powers are aligning for permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, shouldn’t we be concerned how Nigeria’s strategic role in the geo-political equation of Africa could be recognised internationally?

If anything, these past months of the struggle for and use of power, which is what the constitutional debate was all about, has diminished our chances of being ripe for consideration for the United Nations seat, as we have exposed the fragility of our democracy in the course of trying to out do each other and thus attract international odium and consequently negative reputation Except for the recent concerted efforts and determination of a handful of members of the executive and legislative arms of government that yielded an unprecedented debt write-off of a whooping 18 billion United States dollar, Nigerian leaders have never been known to be passionate about any issue other than political positions and resource allocations, not generation –– attitudes which border on sharing the cake rather than baking it.

If democracy is merely for cake sharing as it were and not about improved economic well being of the citizenry through the provision of adequate housing over their heads, potable water to quench their thirst/prevent diseases, improved healthcare delivery to save their lives and qualitative education to cure their ignorance, who needs democracy? Think about giant strides in the telecom industry, disappearance of queues at fuel stations, consolidation in the banking sub-sector for optimum performance, the impressive foreign reserve balance of $35billion and the debt write-off by the Bretton Wood institutions earlier mentioned.

These are economic dividends that are actually made possible by the deregulation of the economy, which is a key element of liberalization. Unsurprisingly, this feat was accomplished by President Olusegun Obasanjo’s economic team made up of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Nasir El-Rufai, Charles Soludo, Muhktar Monsuor and Oby Ezekwesili who are essentially libertarians of the Washington consensus.

But, often times, people naively confuse issues by assuming wrongly that liberalization occurred in Nigeria because of democracy. That is far from the truth because liberalism has been known to thrive in authoritarian states. We do not have to search far for evidence as even in Nigeria, military President Ibrahim Babangida’s introduction of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the mid-1980s was basically a liberalization policy. Similarly, the Asian Tigers such as South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Malaysia achieved market reforms and economic prosperity under dictatorships.
Continues tomorrow
•Mr. Onyibe is Commissioner for Special Duties, Governor's Office, Delta State.

Please send all opinion articles to [e-mail]

[Feuerblume]

Danke, MadMod, für die Arbeit, die du dir beim Aufräumen des Threads gemacht hast.

[Urlaub2]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.064.174 von Feuerblume am 12.06.06 00:18:01

Auch dieses "vast years of experience" deutet für mich darauf hin, daß ENG tatsächlich an INCNR beteiligt ist.



Angesichts dessen ist der ENG-Kurs geradezu lächerlich niedrig.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.088.961 von Urlaub2 am 13.06.06 09:16:39

Gleich springen hier wieder jemand aus der Kiste.

Aber in der Tat ist es so, dass mehr Gründe für eine Beteiligung sprechen als dagegen.

Sicher ist, dass der Begriff des "unnamed canadian investors" durch "unnamed canadian explorer" ersetzt werden kann, weil der Partner eines Joint-Venture innerhalb eines Explorers (INCNR) nur ein Explorer sein kann.

Mehr will ich dazu aber nicht sagen.

[Feuerblume]

Im Streit zwischen INCNR und Sapetro (s. Fußnote) sollten eigentlich heute Nachrichten über den Ausgang der gestrigen Verhandlung kommen:

INCNR ready for fight with Sapetro over awards

By Upstream staff

ONE Nigerian company poised to go head-to-head in the courts with fellow independent South Atlantic Petroleum (Sapetro) over acreage awards is Inc Natural Resources Nigeria (INCNR), writes Barry Morgan.
A legal battle seems inevitable as the Lagos-based Department of Petroleum Resources has gone ahead to reallocate the licence despite contested title to acreage.

In addition to claiming to have been awarded the relinquished portions of OPL 252 and OPL 217, the new exploration and production outfit has laid claim to OPL 246, which is still operated by Sapetro.

Based in Port Harcourt, INCNR has offices in Abuja and Lagos and has said it will "draw up a field development plan in a bid to see it hit first oil in under five years". INCNR added: "World-class technology and expertise will be sourced from leading E&P companies."

However, on its own admission, INCNR has yet to begin recruitment. Industry observers pointed out it was highly irregular for a company to publish a successful bid even before the Department of Petroleum Resources has set a date for announcing awards.

Critics question how the clandestine award of sensitive blocks to previously unknown "briefcase companies" in Nigeria\'s soon-to-be-concluded mini-round reflects on the government\'s commitment to transparency.

[Feuerblume]

June 12th, 2006
Discretionary award of oil blocs fraught with corruption —DPR
E-MAIL THIS PRINT THIS Most Viewed



Agboje Aig-Imoukhuede MD/CEO, Access Bank; Frank Nweke jr, minister of information and national orientation; Declan Duff, vice president, IFC, and Herbert Wigwe at the signing ceremony of IFC $11 million credit and technical assistance to Access Bank plc to support its gender enterprenuership market programme launched in Abuja.

What is your preferred method of 2007 polls?
Electronic voting system
Secret Ballot
Option A4

The 1993 oil bloc award by the military regime was fraught with corruption and perpetrated as a game plan to favour certain individuals loyal to the then government.
Director of Department of Petroleum Resources Tony Chukwueke made the statement in Lagos weekend at a stakeholders’ forum organised for civil society groups on transparency in the oil and gas sector.

According to him, the 1993 oil bid round lacked merit as it was not properly conducted in an ideal manner as the whole process used to award the oil blocs lacked transparency.

He said the then military junta only awarded the oil blocs on a discretionary basis and there was no legal framework and no signature bonus was remitted to the government from the favoured individuals. This meant the government must have lost a huge sum of revenue that would have come from such exercise.

The director said in the history of oil blocs award in the country, the 1993 oil bloc was the most controversial bid round in the nation’s oil and gas sector as 42 oil blocs were given out on a discretionary level.

"In 1993,a total of 42 oil blocs were award on directionary basis by the military to a group of individuals without any of them paying signature bonuses to the purse of the then government and this is what brought about the court case now involving South Atlantic and the government,"said Chukwueke.

He also explained that the OPL246 was initially among the eight deep water blocs the government had put on offer for the just concluded mini bid round, where their original owners ought to have relinquished 50 percent of the lease following the conversion of the oil bloc to an oil mining licence (OML)but was removed because of the litigation after South Atlantic Petroleum chairman,former mnister of defence,Theophilus Danjuma, a general, sued the Federal Governmemt over the withdrawal of 50 percent (about two thirds) of the total land area convered by the licence.

His words: "The OML may only be granted to the holder of an OPL who has discovered oil in commercial quantities and satisfied all conditions imposed on the licence which is a duration of 20 years for him to have the exclusive right it." Adding that 10 years after the grants of an OML,one half of the area shall be relinquish.

"This is the matter in court, whether in the course ofthe 10 years after a company have explored the acreage it has the right to apply for another licence or it still wants to remain on the acreage.

He continued: , South Atlantic said that the government had given them OML and after their completion of the terms, the company still want to keep exploring the acreage since this has been changed to OPL without wanting to relinquish the acreage and the government said no, since it has completed it OML right, it has to submit the right for another bid

since it is now OPL," he added.

[dochasi]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.131.240 von Feuerblume am 15.06.06 17:55:41

verfolge dich im `bescheidenen`DE Beira sowie auch in
diesem Board-wo würdest du Energulf bweretungsmäßig sehen
Fakten gibtr ed bei diesen Firmen ja denn kaum alles
Spekulationen und Erwartungshaltungen-aber so wie bei
De Beira wo die Führer wollen dort zieht die Herde hin

[Feuerblume]

Da die Presse nicht mehr über das Verfahren Sapetro ./. INCNR berichtet, vermute ich mal, dass die Beweisaufnahme und Anhörung abgeschlossen ist und nun auf die Verkündung des Urteils gewartet wird.

INCNR listet jedenfalls die 3 Block noch der Homepage.

Der "unnamed canadian Investor" im INCNR-Joint-Venture, der mit an Sicherheit grenzender Wahrscheinlichkeit ein "canadian Explorer" sein wird, hat folglich noch keine Veranlassung sich zu outen.

[Feuerblume]

Angesichts der Tatsache, dass alle auf das Ergebnis der Ressourcenbewertung zu Namibia durch Netherland Sewell warten (meine Erwartungen liegen bekanntlich bei 1,1 Mrd. USD NPV für den Energulf-Anteil), gibt es aber immer noch die AddOns, die z.B. Nigeria heißen. Hier erwarte ich im Laufe der nächsten Woche Konkreteres. Die Rechtslage um OPL246, die auch für OPL252 Bedeutung hat, ist relativ komplex:


OBJ vs Danjuma: A row over oil
ERIC IKHILAE, Lagos, Sunday Tribune 17.6.2006

General Danjuma and President Obasanjo
THEY have always been regarded as buddies until recently. Today, economic interest seems to have driven a wedge between them. They are currently at daggers drawn over a parcel of land believed to be rich in oil and gas deposit.

On one side of the divide is President Olusegun Obasanjo, who, because he did not appoint a Minister of Petroleum Resources, is regarded as one. On the other side is ex-Defence Minister, General Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma, Chairman of a Lagos-based oil company – South Atlantic Petroleum Limited. The crisis between both parties blew open months ago when General Danjuma and his company complained to a Federal High Court in Lagos of a breach of contract by the Petroleum Resources Minister. Their argument revolves around the complaint that the minister revoked their Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) without due recourse to legal process. On its part, the Minister has argued that General Danjuma and his firm were merely making a mountain out of a mole hill. And that the decision to revoke the said licence lacked political undertone as being portrayed.

General Danjuma had told the court that his company’s main areas of specialisation were prospecting, exploration and production of hydrocarbons (oil and gas). And that based on that, it was on 15th April 1999 granted an Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL). The company which went into collaboration with some other firms operated the said licence identified as OPL 246 until it discovered oil in commercial quantity in the area covered by its operation. And in line with the nation’s oil and gas law, decided to proceed into mining the oil so discovered.

In doing that, the company applied for an Oil Mining Lease (OML) which was granted sometime in 2005 which occupies half of the land on which the company could operate based on its earlier OPL 246. The disagreement however arose when it further applied for another OML to cover the reminant of the OPL which it had held only to be told by the Department of Petroleum Resources that it could no longer lay claim to the reminant having been authorised to mine via the OML.

The acreage of OPL 246 was 937.5 square Miles, and from which an OML which covers an acreage of 500 sq miles was later granted leaving a balance of 437 square miles. General Danjuma and his company are contending why they would be required to relinquish, without compensation the remnant of their OPL and on which they could still prospect for oil, when there is no law that required them to do so.

While arguing their application recently, their counsel, Mr. C. A. Candide-Johnson (SAN) noted that the “Oil Prospecting Licences (conversion to oil mining lease, etc). Regulations 2004” on which the minister for petroleum resources relied in his decision to refuse them another OML and also revoke their right to the residue of PL 246, contravened the nation’s petroleum Act of 1969 which regulates operations in the oil sectors in the country.

He contended that since their right to OPL 246 will expire legally in 2008, it was wrong for the minister to revoke it on the ground that they had been granted an oil mining lease which merely covers half its original space and on which it has expended about 755 million US dollars. Mr. Candide Johnson told the court that his client’s main concern was not whether or not it was granted an additional OML but what happens to the remnant of its legally acquired OPL. He denied claim by the OPR that no one can operate two OMC at the same time and that the grant of OMC results in the voluntary relinquishment of the remnant of any OPL.

According to him, such practice has expired prior to the issuance of OPL 246 in 1999 which was a “sole risk regime” issued under the indigenous concession programme (ICP) as against the profit sharing contract (PSC) that has existed. He added that indigenous concession does not include contract for exclusion of 50 per cent of the contract area. He asked the court to order a reversal of the minister’s decision because “apart from the length of time for the remaining part of OPC 246, we are entitled to carry away and dispose of the petroleum won during prospecting operation. The remnant is still of value as we can still win petroleum from it, it is not an empty piece of land”.

Responding, Mr. Fidelis Oditta, (SAN) told the court to ignore General Danjuma and his firm’s complaint because the Minister for Petroleum in refusing to grant them an additional OML, and the revocation of their right to the residue of OPL 246m acted in accordance with the law. According to him, the minister had for the past two years informed them that the uncovered portion of what was OPL 246 must be relinquished on the grant of an OML. He added that it was a standard practice in the industry that there shall be only one oil mining lease (OML) in respect of an oil prospecting licence.

He stressed that the said requirement under the laws which govern operations in the sector does not discriminate on the nature of contract as argued by Mr. Candide-Johnson. Mr. Oditta cited past cases involving indigenous companies in which voluntary relinquishment was effected. He added that in the case of Famfa Oil Limited cited by counsel to South-Atlantic Petroleum, not was the company unwilling to relinquish the unconverted portion of its OPL 216 but had to do so as a matter of law.”

He stated that General Danjuma and his company were not being isolated for any special discriminatory treatment. And that on the contrary by refusing to relinquish the remnant of their OPL, they were merely seeking to possess what does not belong to them. “The applicant is acting entirely alone and is seeking to place itself above the law, and seeking to give to itself a windfall to which it knows it is not entitled”, he said.

He asked the court to refuse the application of judicial review of the minister’s decision because the applicant’s complement is not against the exercise of the minister’s powers as guaranteed by the petroleum act and the 2004 regulations. Mr. Oditta noted that what was being complained about was the minister’s alleged breach of the plaintiff’s private centractual right which can not be addressed through the judicial review proceeding initiated by them.

He noted South Atlantic Petroleum’s complaints is that the minister is threatening to or has breached its private contractual right which complaint, has nothing to do with public law, “accordingly, the applicant can not bring judicial review proceeding since there is no relevant public law function to challenge.”

According to him “that is what in public law, is known as Procedural Exclusivity – the string of public law and private law does not meet. You can not use public law proceedings to vindicate private contractual right. This originating motion, therefore is incompetent, fails and must be dismissed”, he added.

[Feuerblume]

Danjuma's oil licence has ceased to exist, FG tells court
By Innocent Anaba
Posted to the Web: Tuesday, June 20, 2006


THE Federal Government yesterday told a Federal High Court sitting in Lagos, presided over by Justice Abdulahi Mustapha, that the Oil Prospecting License (OPL) 246 granted to South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPETRO), an indigenous firm owned by former Defence Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, has ceased to exist in law and in fact.

Prof Fidelis Oditah, (QC, SAN) counsel to government at the resumed hearing in the suit by SAPETRO, in which the company is challenging a letter written to it by the Minister of Petroleum Resources informing it (SAPETRO) of the compulsory relinquishment of a portion of the OPL, said “by the fact that an Oil Mining Lease (OML) has been granted to SAPETRO out of the OPL and given that an OPL and OML cannot exist concurrently, but only consecutively, the OPL 246 has seized to exist in law and in fact.”

SAPETRO, is challenging the legality of the letter written to it by the Minister of Petroleum Resources, informing it of the compulsory relinquishment of a portion of its OPL, which it says is due to expire in 2008, contending that “neither the Petroleum Act and the regulations nor the Deed, letters of allocation and extension of OPL 246 contain any condition pertaining to relinquishment of the residual of OPL 246 after an OML is carved out of it.”

The company is also contending that “the remaining portion of OPL has not been relinquished and the interest holders have no intention to voluntarily relinquish it and its allocation to a third party will therefore amount to compulsory revocation, which is legally an expropriation and that it is in the long term interest of the Nigerian Government to maintain the sanctity of the contracts it signs and not to arbitrarily erode the value of investments.”

Oditah, in his argument, contended “there are six reasons why SAPETRO’s OPL has seized to exist and relinquished. The first reason is that section 1 of the Petroleum Act, which vests absolute power on the Federal government, and Regulation 2004 clearly states that the owner of an OPL is entitled to only one OML. Regulation 2(3) of the 1969 Act assumes that you can have more than one OML in an OPL, that was the practice we had before Regulation 2004 came into force. Regulation 2004 said you are only entitled to one OML out of an OPL. Regulation 1969 has been amended by Regulation 2004. It is Regulation 2004 that is applicable to SAPETRO’s case.”

According to him, “the second reason is that an OPL and OML cannot co-exist in the same acreage at the same time. You cannot be prospecting for oil and mining oil at the same time in respect of the same land. The relationship between an OML and OPL are consecutive and not concurrent, that is why they cannot co-exist.”
Further hearing in the matter has been adjourned till June 22, 2006.

[Feuerblume]

'Grant of Oil Licences is at Petroleum Minister's Discretion'
By Chika Amanze-Nwachuku, 06.20.2006

The Federal Government (FG), yesterday told Federal High Court in Lagos that an Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) and an Oil Mining Lease (OML) cannot co-exist in the same acreage at the same time.
It also stated that the OPL 246, which was granted to South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPETRO), an indigenous company owned by the former Defence Minister, Lt. Gen. Theophilus Danjuma (rtd) has ceased to exist both in law and in fact.
Counsel for the Petroleum Minister, Professor Fidelis Odita SAN, made these submissions while responding to the application for judicial review brought before the court by SAPETRO.
According to him, the OPL 246 was obtained by the applicant (SAPETRO) when the 1969 Regulations were in force. He said, it was under Regulation 1 of the 2004 Regulations that the applicant got its OML 130.
He submitted that Regulation 2 (3) of the 1969, provided that more than one OML could be granted out of an OPL, but that the 2004 Regulations now provided that only one OML can be granted out of an OPL.
He further argued that an OPL must come to an end once the Minister refuses to grant an OML, whether the first OML or second OML.
It was the contention of SAPETRO that its OPL 246 has not been relinquished because its validity period has not expired. The company had contended that the grant of an OML 130 to it does not mean an automatic relinquishment of its OPL 246.
It had argued that, although the Deed for the grant of the OPL 246 was for a duration of five years, from February 23, 1998, it was never disputed that the OPL 246 has been extended to a further five years, upon its expiration in 2003. The company had stated that the Petroleum Minister did not impose any condition when, he granted it an OML 130 out of the OPL 246, on February 21, 2005.
The company stated that Section 2 of the Petroleum Act, 1969, empowers the Minister to grant three types of interest in oil acreage ; Oil Exploration Licence (OEL), OPL, and OML, while Section 2 (a) of the Act prescribed the manner in which the Minister shall deal with such interest.
But Odita, who Pointed out that both the 1969 and 2004 Regulations were made by the Petroleum Minister, insisted that the 2004 Regulations still provided that the Minister has the discreation to grant additional OML out of an OPL arguing that the Minister has not acted in contradiction of any relevant legislation whether primary or secondary.
He stated that an OPL and an OML cannot co-exist in the same hand, at the same time, because their relationship is consecutive and not concurrent.
"You cannot be prospecting for oil and be mining oil at the same time in respect of the same consention area because they are logically inconsistent operations" Odita argued.
The presiding judge, Justice Abdullahi Mustapha has adjourned the matter till June 22 for continuation of argument by Odita.

[Feuerblume]

OPL 246: FG misinformed court, Danjuma's oil firm tells court
By Innocent Anaba
Posted to the Web: Saturday, June 24, 2006



LAGOS — South Atlantic Petroleum Limited (SAPETRO), an indigenous oil firm owned by former Defence Minister, Gen. Theophilus Danjuma and operator of Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 246, yesterday told a Federal High Court sitting in Lagos, that the Federal government misinformed the court on the status of Famfa Oil Limited OPL, which government claimed accepted the relinquishment of its OPL without protest.

Counsel to SAPETRO, Adeyemi Candide-Johnson (SAN), at the resumed hearing in the suit, in which the company is challenging the letters written to it by the Minister of Petroleum Resources informing it (SAPETRO) of the compulsory relinquishment of a portion of the OPL 246, contended that the truth of the matter is that Famfa’s OLP has expired, which was why the company did not challenge the relinquishment, unlike OPL 246, which will expire in 2008.

Government’s counsel, Prof Fidelis Oditah (SAN), concluding his argument, had contended that SATETRO “was aware that the remaining portion of OPL 246 had been relinquished, as government had written it as far back as 2004, informing it of the relinquished portion”, adding that other companies in the same position with SAPETRO accepted the relinquishment of their OPLs without complaining.

But Candide-Johnson in his reply on point of law, argued “government is right to say that this matter (order for relinquishment of OPL 246) is not political, but legal. I submit that government cannot act illegally and with impunity by hiding under the Minister. The government of Nigeria is subject to Nigerian laws”.

According to him, “the reference made by government counsel on Petroleum law is not supported by any text book on Petroleum law, neither has government cited any case in Nigeria or any where in the world, which supports its high imaginative argument. The argument of the Federal Government appears to be a deliberate distortion of fact”.

“The federal government had said that the relinquished portion Famfa’s OPL has not expired. That is not true. Famfa’s OPL has in actual fact expired. That is why they relinquished the remaining portion of their OPL. Famfa OPL was granted in August 10, 1993. And it (Famfa) applied for Oil Mining Lease (OML) in April 2004. So which ever way you want to look at it, its OPL has expired”, Candide-Johnson contended. Further hearing in the matter will continue on June 29,2006.

SAPETRO, is challenging the legality of the letter written to it by the Minister of Petroleum Resources, informing it of the compulsory relinquishment of a portion of its OPL, which it contend is due to expire in 2008, contending that “neither the Petroleum Act and the regulations nor the Deed, letters of allocation and extension of OPL 246 contain any condition pertaining to relinquishment of the residual of OPL 246 after an OML is carved out of it”

The company is also contending that “the remaining portion of OPL has not been relinquished and the interest holders have no intention to voluntarily relinquish it and its allocation to a third party will therefore amount to compulsory revocation, which is legally an expropriation and that it is in the long term interest of the Nigerian Government to maintain the sanctity of the contracts it signs and not to arbitrarily erode the value of investments”.

[sunnydays]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.059.886 von Explorerdoktor am 11.06.06 20:29:01

hey du bist dir aber im klaren mister explorerdoktor, dass was du hier ausgesagt hast schwachsinn ist, oder?
recherchier mal besser, bevor du behauptungen aufstellst, die nicht der tatsache entsprechen!

[colouredanthouse]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.255.404 von Feuerblume am 24.06.06 11:04:08

Herzlichen Dank für Deine Arbeit

[Feuerblume]

Ich kriege einige emails, in denen ich um eine Zusammenfassung gebeten werde. Diejenige zu Nigeria hat immer noch Bestand:

#23926 von Feuerblume 14.06.06 12:41:31 Beitrag Nr.: 22.107.056
Folgende Antwort bezieht sich auf Beitrag Nr.: 22106907 von Santiagero am 14.06.06 12:30:25

Santiagero von Gewissheit war keine Rede, vielmehr habe ich geschrieben, dass mehr Fakten für meine Theorie sprechen als Fakten gegen sie sprechen. Damit bleibe ich immer noch im Bereich der Wahrscheinlichkeit.

Nur einmal ein Auszug aus meiner Zusammenfassung (ergänzt um ein späteres Posting)

Dem breiten Publikum nach wie vor unklar ist die Situation in Nigeria. Die Information aus der Presse

INC Natural Resources -- a joint venture between Jigwa State and an unidentified Canadian firm -- won Blocks 292 and 252 in return for $100 million in bonuses and a promised $4 billion ethanol plant. A company named Clearwater -- owned by the Rivers state government -- took Block 289 for $10 million, in return for promising $1.5 billion of power station investments in the local region

geht erheblich über diejenige aus der Presseerklärung von Energulf hinaus:

The EnerGulf/Derock JV continues to evaluate Nigeria and opportunities there, including OPL 252. Political and business events are being closely monitored amid conflicting news and reports. The EnerGulf/Derock JV has representatives in country providing internal reports, which EnerGulf considers its best source of actual events.

Unbestritten ist, dass INCNR die Blöcke bereits am 3.5.2006, also vor Abschluss der Mini-Bid-Round auf seiner Homepage listete, sich seiner Sache also sicher war. Dies unterstützt Presseberichte (siehe mein Nigeria-Thread) dass der Präsident Nigerias selbst im Management bei INCNR sitzt und es erklärt auch die Schmallippigkeit des Energulf-Managementes hinsichtlich Nigeria. Bemerkenswert ist allerdings, dass es gleich um 3 Blöcke geht, die wenn vor Gericht obsiegt wird, vermutlich in das Joint-Venture fallen werden.

Klar dürfte auch sein, dass es sich bei dem "unnamed Investor" um einen Explorer handelt, denn der Beteiligte eines Joint-Venture innerhalb eines Explorers kann nur ein Explorer sein. Also ein unnamed canadian Explorer.
Wobei zusätzlich noch auffällig ist, dass der Gesamtpreis (bei den Billions handels es sich um Landeswährung) genau den Steigpreis von 81 Mio. USD ergab, den Energulf damals für die Signaturprämie aufzuwenden hatte.

Die Situation in Nigeria ist allerdings selbst für die Insider nicht abschließend zu beurteilen, zumal Sapetro auch an OPL252 Rechte geltend macht. Derzeit wird allerdings ein Musterprozess wegen OPL246 geführt, der auch hinsichtlich der Eigentumsverhältnisse zu OPL252 Bedeutung haben dürfte. Nächster und wahrschenlich letzter Gerichtstermin 29.6.2006.

[Feuerblume]

Company charges FG of illegality
• Tuesday, Jun 27, 2006

South Atlantic Petroleum Company , (SAPETRO) Ltd insist at a Lagos court, Friday that the federal government acted unlawfully by retrieving its oil bloc before the expiration of its licence.

The company is owned by former Defence Minister, retired Lt.-Gen. Theopilus Danjuma.

SAPETRO, through its counsel, Mr Charles Candide-Johnson, told a Federal High Court that government was also distorting facts about the matter.

SAPETRO had sued government for taking over the residual portion of its Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 246, after which government refused to grant it a second Oil Mining Lease (OML) for the portion. The indigenous oil firm, which described the action as a violation of its contractual rights, was seeking a court injunction restraining government from selling off the residual portion.

[OnkelBraesig]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.291.957 von Feuerblume am 27.06.06 09:40:19

Nächster und wahrschenlich letzter Gerichtstermin 29.6.2006.

Jede Woche treibst du einen neuen, "wahrscheinlich letzten Gerichts-
termin" durch das virtuelle Dorf. Müßte dir doch selbst inzwischen etwas
peinlich sein.

O.B.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.297.627 von OnkelBraesig am 27.06.06 14:16:39

nicht peinlich. War nur ein Update eines Textes, bei dem zu wenig Text gelöscht wurde.

[Feuerblume]

b]Nigeria, der Stand der Dinge[/b] - U p d a t e -

Kommen wir einmal auf das Thema des Threads zurück, denn heute (29.6.2006) steht ein weiterer Verhandlungstermin in Sachen INCNR, Staat Nigeria, Sapetro an.

Zwar handelt es sich um ein Verfahren wegen der strittigen Rechte an OPL246, eine Entscheidung dürfte allerdings auch für OPL252 von Bedeutung sein, da Sapetro auch an diesem Block Rechte geltend macht.

Im Mittelpunkt des Prozesses steht INCNR, http://www.incnr.com/ ein neu gegründeter Explorer aus Nigeria, über dessen Eigentumsverhältnisse nur das bekannt ist, was in den afrikanischen Medien publiziert wurde:

INC Natural Resources -- a joint venture between Jigawa State and an unidentified Canadian firm -- won Blocks 292 and 252 in return for $100 million in bonuses and a promised $4 billion ethanol plant. A company named Clearwater -- owned by the Rivers state government -- took Block 289 for $10 million, in return for promising $1.5 billion of power station investments in the local region.

Aber selbst diese dürftige Information geht erheblich über diejenige hinaus, die EnerGulf in seiner letzten Presseerklärung verlautbarte.

The EnerGulf/Derock JV continues to evaluate Nigeria and opportunities there, including OPL 252. Political and business events are being closely monitored amid conflicting news and reports. The EnerGulf/Derock JV has representatives in country providing internal reports, which EnerGulf considers its best source of actual events.

Mehr kann allerdings auch nicht erwartet werden. Denn die Lage ist völlig unübersichtlich und wegen vielfältiger Unwägbarkeiten nicht in eine Presseerklärung zu gießen.

Unbestritten ist, dass INCNR die Blöcke bereits am 3.5.2006, also vor Abschluss der Mini-Bid-Round 2006 auf seiner Homepage listete, sich seiner Sache also ziemlich sicher war.

Dies unterstützt Presseberichte (siehe mein Nigeria-Thread), wonach der Präsident Nigerias selbst im Management bei INCNR sitzt und es erklärt auch die Schmallippigkeit des EnerGulf-Managementes hinsichtlich Nigeria. Bemerkenswert ist zudem, dass es gleich um 3 Blöcke geht, die, wenn vor Gericht obsiegt wird, vermutlich in das Joint-Venture fallen werden.

Besonders interessant ist dabei OPL246, da dort in 2000 ein Giant-Oilfield durch Bohrungen nachgewiesen und angeblich schon einige Hundert Millionen USD in dessen Entwicklung investiert wurden.

Crude oil bearing profile of the nation's deep offshore area has soared amid unconfirmed report that an indigenous company, South Atlantic Petroleum Nigeria Limited (SAPETRO) has made a huge hydrocarbon discovery in its block - Oil prospecting Licence (OPL) 246.

Bei Sapetro handelt es sich um eine Firma des ehemaligen nigerianischen Verteidigungsministers und Generals Danjuma, der einige Ölfelder noch zu Zeiten der Militärdiktatur in seinen Besitz brachte.

Im Jahre 2006 verkaufte Sapetro seinen 45%igen Anteil an der OML130 / OPL246 für 2,7 Mrd. USD an die chinesische CNOOC Ltd., was die Gemengelage noch komplizierter macht.

http://www.cnoocltd.com/press/images/1430480445.pdf

Klar dürfte sein, dass es sich bei der "unnamed canadian firm" um einen Explorer handelt, denn der Beteiligte eines Joint-Venture innerhalb eines Explorers kann nur ein Explorer sein. Also ein unnamed canadian explorer.

Auffällig ist zudem, dass der Gesamtaufwand des Investments OPL252 (bei den Billions handelt es sich um nigerianische Landeswährung) genau die Signaturprämie von 81 Mio. USD ergibt, die EnerGulf in der 2005er Bid Round aufzuwenden hatte.

Handelt es sich also bei der „unnamed canadian firm“ um EnerGulf und ist INCNR nur die logische Fortsetzung des Derock-JV?

Es spricht vieles für diese Theorie. Deutlich mehr jedenfalls als dagegen. Zumal sich auch noch keine Firma gemeldet hat, welche dieses sehr bedeutende Projekt für sich beansprucht.

Sollte sich dieser Deal bestätigen, wird es für den Kurs kein Halten mehr geben.

[physik]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.328.637 von Feuerblume am 29.06.06 00:00:33

verzeih' meine naive Frage, aber warum klagt Nigeria gegen INCNR, wenn doch "der Präsident Nigerias selbst im Management bei INCNR sitzt "?
Oder habe ich etwas grundlegend falsch verstanden?

[Feuerblume]

Nigeria hat Sapetro die Blocks weggenommen. Kläger ist Sapetro und zwar gegen den Staat. INCNR ist nur mittelbar betroffen, weil es die Blöcke in der Mini Bid Round erworben hat, und dieser Erwerb infolge der Klage bedroht ist.

Über den Inhalt der Klage existieren mehrere Artikel in diesem Thread. Kurz vorher.

Das mit dem Präsidenten in INCNR geht aus einem früheren Zeitungsartikel hervor, der im Thread steht. Angeblich sitzt der Präsident unter einem Decknamen in INCNR.

Hier geht es um die üblichen nigerianischen Mauschelgeschäfte der Machthaber.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.330.710 von Feuerblume am 29.06.06 08:17:04

Ich hätte die Reihenfolge der Beteiligten ändern sollen. Mache ich beim nächsten Update.

[Feuerblume]

Aufgrund der Diskussion im Hauptthread habe ich die Ausführungen zum "Stand der Dinge in Nigeria" noch einmal erweitert und einige Textpassagen präzisiert:


Nigeria, der Stand der Dinge - U p d a t e -

Kommen wir einmal auf das Thema des Threads zurück, denn heute (29.6.2006) steht ein weiterer Verhandlungstermin in Sachen SAPETRO gegen den Staat Nigeria an.

Zwar handelt es sich um ein Verfahren wegen der strittigen Rechte an OPL246, eine Entscheidung dürfte allerdings auch für OPL252 von Bedeutung sein, da Sapetro auch an diesem Block Rechte geltend macht.

Mittelbar betroffen von dem Gerichtsverfahren ist INCNR, http://www.incnr.com/, ein neu gegründeter Explorer aus Nigeria, der OPL246 und OPL252 im Rahmen der 2006er „Mini Bid Round“ vom Staat Nigeria erworben hat.

Über INCNR ist nur das bekannt, was aus der Website entnommen werden kann und was in afrikanischen Medien publiziert wurde:

INC Natural Resources -- a joint venture between Jigawa State and an unidentified Canadian firm -- won Blocks 292 and 252 in return for $100 million in bonuses and a promised $4 billion ethanol plant. A company named Clearwater -- owned by the Rivers state government -- took Block 289 for $10 million, in return for promising $1.5 billion of power station investments in the local region

Aber selbst diese dürftige Information geht erheblich über diejenige hinaus, die EnerGulf in seiner letzten Presseerklärung verlautbarte.

The EnerGulf/Derock JV continues to evaluate Nigeria and opportunities there, including OPL 252. Political and business events are being closely monitored amid conflicting news and reports. The EnerGulf/Derock JV has representatives in country providing internal reports, which EnerGulf considers its best source of actual events.

Mehr kann allerdings auch nicht erwartet werden. Denn die Lage ist völlig unübersichtlich und wegen vielfältiger Unwägbarkeiten nicht in eine Presseerklärung zu gießen.

Unbestritten ist, dass INCNR die Blöcke bereits am 3.5.2006, also vor Abschluss der Mini-Bid-Round 2006 auf seiner Homepage listete, sich seiner Sache also ziemlich sicher war.

Dies unterstützt Presseberichte (siehe mein Nigeria-Thread), wonach der Präsident Nigerias selbst im Management bei INCNR sitzt und es erklärt auch die Schmallippigkeit des EnerGulf-Managementes hinsichtlich Nigeria. Bemerkenswert ist zudem, dass es gleich um 3 Blöcke geht, die, wenn vor Gericht obsiegt wird, vermutlich in das Joint-Venture fallen werden.

Besonders interessant ist dabei OPL246, da dort in 2000 ein Giant-Oilfield durch Bohrungen nachgewiesen und angeblich schon einige Hunderte Millionen USD in dessen Entwicklung investiert wurden.

Crude oil bearing profile of the nation's deep offshore area has soared amid unconfirmed report that an indigenous company, South Atlantic Petroleum Nigeria Limited (SAPETRO) has made a huge hydrocarbon discovery in its block - Oil prospecting Licence (OPL) 246.

Bei SAPETRO handelt es sich um eine Firma des ehemaligen nigerianischen Verteidigungsministers und Generals Danjuma, der einige Ölfelder noch zu Zeiten der Militärdiktatur in seinen Besitz brachte.

Im Jahre 2006 verkaufte Sapetro seinen 45%igen Anteil an der OML130 / OPL246 für 2,7 Mrd. USD an die chinesische CNOOC Ltd., was die Gemengelage noch komplizierter macht.

http://www.cnoocltd.com/press/images/1430480445.pdf

Klar dürfte sein, dass es sich bei der "unnamed canadian firm" um einen Explorer handelt, denn der Beteiligte eines Joint-Venture innerhalb eines Explorers kann nur ein Explorer sein. Also ein unnamed canadian explorer.

Auffällig ist zudem, dass der Gesamtaufwand des Investments OPL252 (bei den Billions handelt es sich um nigerianische Landeswährung) genau die Signaturprämie von 81 Mio. USD ergibt, die EnerGulf in der 2005er Bid Round aufzuwenden hatte.

Handelt es sich also bei der „unnamed canadian firm“ um EnerGulf und ist INCNR nur die logische Fortsetzung des Derock-JV?

Es spricht vieles für diese Theorie. Deutlich mehr jedenfalls als dagegen. Zumal sich auch noch keine Firma gemeldet hat, welche dieses sehr bedeutende Projekt für sich beansprucht.

Sollte sich dieser Deal bestätigen, wird es für den Kurs kein Halten mehr geben.

Zwar hätte EnerGulf infolge des Zuschlages an INCNR (unmittelbar) nichts mehr mit OPL252 zu tun. Denn INCNR wurde Eigentümer. Allerdings ware EnerGulf über dieses JV nach wie vor mit im Boot, so dass sich die Ausgangssituation hinsichtlich OPL252 nicht verändert hätte, EnerGulf also noch immer „im Picture“ ist („We are not out of picture“).

Sie hätte sich sogar insgesamt stark verbessert, da einer der Blocks, OPL246, kurz vor der Produktion steht und noch ein dritter Block, nämlich OPL217, hinzukam.

Über mögliche Anteile an diesem Joint-Venture zu spekulieren, wäre an dieser Stelle aber verfrüht, weil sich diese Beteiligungsverhältnisse nach dem Gegenwert der zu erbringenden Leistungen im Verhältnis zum Wert der eingebrachten Verträge bestimmen. Unabhängig von der Situation um OPL252 würde also OPL246 immer auch auf das Joint-Venture, und damit auf EnerGulf, durchschlagen.

Allerdings hätte dieses „Innen-Joint-Venture“ meines Erachtens auch die Konsequenz, dass die Finanzierung zum größten Teil unmittelbar über INCNR abgewickelt wird.

[Vinzchen]

fb
vielen dank für die umfassenden informationen zum stand der dinge.

[CaptainProton]

An dem fortwährenden Einstellen ellenlanger Texte, sieht man jedenfalls die Unfähigkeit mit gefährlichen Halbwissen das Wesentliche herauszuarbeiten und optisch aufgearbeitet anzubieten.

Setzen Sechs !

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.340.277 von CaptainProton am 29.06.06 15:45:05

Bitte Posting-Müll im Hauptthread abladen. Danke.

[Feuerblume]

An dieser Stelle noch einmal eine aktualisierte Übersicht über alle Projekte.

Die Veränderungen ergaben sich insbesondere aufgrund des Aufzinsungseffektes infolge des durch Zeitablauf verkürzten Betrachtungshorizontes (der bis 2035 reicht). Nigeria ist noch auf dem alten Status-Quo.

[CaptainProton]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.340.873 von Feuerblume am 29.06.06 16:11:18

" ... Bitte Posting-Müll im Hauptthread abladen. Danke. ... "

Da ist ein Disskussionsforum, das prinzipel verschiedene Meinungen zulässt. Da Du Deine Postings nicht selbstkritisch reflektieren kannst, habe ich das für Dich getan.

Nur weil Du ein paar Tabellen ausfüllen kannst, solltest Du versuchen eine Selbstüberschätzung zu vermeiden. Besonders bei gefährlichem Halbwissen kann das auftreten.

Deine Tabelle enthält einige falsche Annahmen:
80% recoverable ist utopisch, Namibia keine Option auf Förderung belegt, Nigeria 60% JV ist pure Fantasie .... kaum etwas ist realistisch ( Rohölpreis 65$! ) und durch Quellen belegt.

Genauso gut könnte man Würfeln und Deine Tabelle füttern.

[primas]

Ausser Feuerblume scheinen hier nicht viel investiert zu sein.

[jackderkenner]

:

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.341.634 von CaptainProton am 29.06.06 16:48:18

Nochmals, Posting-Müll bitte in den Hauptthread. Wie dieser z.B.

.... Es heißt zweifellos 80 % von der recoverablen Menge, weil die 20 % einen Sicherheitsabschlag darstellen (das wurde dir schon einmal erklärt) und die Mengenangabe bereits recoverable (und nicht "on place" war)

.... Zum anderen reicht der Betrachtungszeitraum bis 2035, wie ebenfalls ausgeführt war. Und da sind selbst Preise von 380 USD pro Barrel und mehr nicht unrealistisch. Siehe Beitrag von kmetzel von gestern.

Die Kalkulation läuft also mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit viel zu niedrigaus.



Will oil strike $380 a barrel by 2015?
By Adam Porter in Perpignan, France

Thursday 21 April 2005, 4:20 Makka Time, 1:20 GMT



A report prepared by energy economists at the French investment bank Ixis-CIB has warned crude oil prices could touch $380 a barrel by 2015.


Analysts Patrick Artus and Moncef Kaabi said in the next 10 years demand for oil will outstrip supply by around 8 million barrels per day (mbpd).

"If one takes into account the level of previous oil shocks such as in the 1970\'s, we don\'t think a price level of $380 per barrel is out of the question," they said.

The analysts argued that the shortfall in energy needs would not be made up by alternatives as they were not developed as yet. "Thus the world will still need to rely upon traditional fossil fuels," their report said.

Growing demands

They also said existing new oilfield projects would not be enough to satisfy unprecedented growth in demand from developing economies, particularly China.

"We have taken into account every new oil discovery and potential source … as well as this we note the continuing situation of a fall in new field discoveries," the analysts said.

They pointed out China would contribute greatly to the world\'s rising energy needs.

"Rapid movements of people from the Chinese countryside into the cities would increase the demand for housing, cars and general transportation. All of this will fuel energy consumption," the report said.

Economic juggernaut

Industrial production in China is also growing rapidly with no major signs of decline.

"The types of energy-intensive production in China are growing fast and forecasts also point to continued growth."

"Chinese economic development is at a stage where the amount of energy used is not yet recycled back into the economy. This has definitely been the case in recent times and this explains the sharp increases in China and other similar nations recently," Artus and Kaabi said.

"One could thus envisage a scenario where there is a near seven-fold increase in crude oil prices, whereby, adding annual 2.5% inflation ... we arrive at a price of $380 per barrel by 2015."

------------------------------------------------------------
Quelle:
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/73CE8286-740C-482B-81…

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.341.991 von Feuerblume am 29.06.06 17:05:26

Und dass sich Nigeria auf den alten Status-Quo bezieht, steht auch in meiner Erläuterung zur Tabelle.

Du siehst also, im Grunde genommen ist es nur Müll, was du in diese Diskussion einbringst. Also noch einmal: Wenn du dich schon nicht bremsen kannst. Bitte ihn im Hauptthread abladen.

[jackderkenner]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.342.090 von Feuerblume am 29.06.06 17:09:25

[Feuerblume]

Ein Blick über den Tellerrand kann nicht schaden. Insbesondere wenn es dabei auch um OML130 bzw. OPL246 und um die geostrategische Ausrichtung der amerikanischen Energiepolitik geht:

WORLD ECONOMY: US outflanked in Eurasian energy politics

William Engdahl
Curiously and quietly the United States is being outflanked in its now-obvious strategy of controlling major oil and energy sources of the Persian Gulf, Central Asia’s Caspian Basin, Africa and beyond.
The US’s global energy control strategy, it’s now clear to most, was the actual reason for the highly costly regime change in Iraq, euphemistically dubbed “democracy” by Washington.
The quest for energy control has informed Washington’s support for high-risk “colour revolutions” in Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Belarus and Kyrgyzstan in recent months. It lies behind US activity in the west-African Gulf of Guinea states, as well as in Sudan. It lies behind US policy vis-a-vis Hugo Chavez’s Venezuela and Evo Morales’a Bolivia.
In recent months, however, this strategy of global energy dominance, a strategic US priority, has shown signs of producing just the opposite, a kind of “coalition of the unwilling” — states that increasingly see no other prospect but to cooperate to oppose what they see as a US push to control their future energy security.
The White House denied visiting Chinese President Hu Jintao the honour of a full state dinner when he visited in April, serving instead a short lunch. Hu was publicly humiliated by a well-known Falun Gong heckler at the White House press conference and by other obvious humiliations. In other words, the White House welcomed Hu with a diplomatic slap in the face.
At the same time, US Vice-President Dick Cheney slapped Russian President Vladimir Putin with the most open attack yet on Moscow’s internal human rights policy as well as its energy policy. In a speech in the Baltic state of Lithuania in early May, Cheney accused Russia of energy “intimidation and blackmail”.
Washington has repeatedly accused China of “not playing by the rules”, in terms of its oil politics, declaring that China is guilty of “seeking to control energy at the source”, as though that has not been US energy policy for the past century or so.
Eurasian energy bloc

The significance of taking aim simultaneously at both Russia and China, the two Eurasian giants (with China being the largest investor in US Treasury securities, and Russia being the world’s second most developed military nuclear power), reflects the realisation in Washington that all may not be as seamless in the quest for global domination as originally promised by various strategists in and around the Bush administration.
This month, member-nations of the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO), led by China and Russia, will reportedly consider inviting observer Iran to full membership. Even if full membership is postponed as has been mooted, the fact remains that Russia and China both want to seal closer cooperation with Iran.
The SCO was founded in June 2001 by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. It is beginning to look like an energy-financial bloc in Central Asia consciously being developed to serve as a counter-pole to US hegemony.
Russia’s state-owned natural gas transport company, Transneft, has consolidated its pipeline control to become the sole exporter of Russian natural gas. Russia has by far the world’s largest natural gas reserves and Iran the second largest.
With Iran, the SCO would control the vast majority of the world's natural gas reserves, as well as a significant portion of its oil reserves, not to mention potential control of the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow corridor for a majority of Persian Gulf oil-tanker shipments to Japan and the West.
China’s energy geopolitics are also in high gear. China's booming economy, with 9% growth, requires massive natural resources to sustain its growth. China became a net importer of oil in 1993. By 2045, China will depend on imported oil for 45% of its energy needs.
On May 26, crude oil from Kazakhstan began to flow into China from a newly completed 1000-kilometre pipeline. It marked the first time oil began being pumped directly into China.
Kazakhstan had been regarded by Washington since the collapse of the Soviet Union as its sphere of influence, with ChevronTexaco, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s old oil company, the major oil developer. In 2005, China’s CNPC state oil company bought PetroKazakhstan for US$4.2 billion and will use it to develop oilfields in Kazakhstan.
China is also in negotiations with Russia for a pipeline to deliver Siberian oil to northeast China, a project that could be completed by 2008, and a natural gas pipeline from Russia to Heilongjiang, in China’s northeast. China just passed Japan to rank as world’s second largest oil importer behind the US.
Beijing and Moscow are also integrating their electricity economies. In late May, the China State Grid Corporation announced it plans to increase imports of Russian electricity fivefold by 2010.
China’s push into Africa

In its relentless quest to secure future oil supplies “at the source”, China has also moved into traditional US, British and French oil domains in Africa. In addition to being the major developer of Sudan’s oil pipeline, which ships some 7% of total China oil imports, Beijing has become more active in the states bordering the oil-rich Gulf of Guinea.
Since the creation of the China-Africa Forum in 2000, China has scrapped tariffs on 190 imported goods from 28 of the least developed African countries, and cancelled $1.2 billion in debt.
Indicative of the way China is doing an end-run around the customary International Monetary Fund-led Western control of African states, China’s export-import bank recently gave a $2 billion soft loan to Angola. In return, the Luanda government gave China a stake in oil exploration in shallow waters off the coast. The loan is to be used for infrastructure projects.
In contrast, US interest in war-torn Angola has rarely gone beyond the well-fortified oil enclave of Cabinda, where ExxonMobil, along with Shell Oil, has dominated until recently. That is apparently about to change with the growing Chinese interest.
Chinese infrastructure projects underway in Angola include railways, roads, a fibre-optic network, schools, hospitals, offices and 5000 units of housing developments. A new airport with direct flights from Luanda to Beijing is also planned.
Indirectly, through its support of the Sudan government, China is also a contender in a high-stakes game of potential regime change in neighbouring, oil-rich Chad. Earlier this year, World Bank “tough guy” Paul Wolfowitz was forced to back down from plans to cut off World Bank aid, after a threat of an oil export cut-off by Chad.
ExxonMobil is currently the major oil company active in Chad. But Sudan backs Chadian rebels, who were only prevented from toppling the notoriously corrupt and unpopular regime of President Idriss Deby by the intervention of 1500 French soldiers. Washington has joined with Paris in backing Deby.
A new Sudan-backed regime in Chad would jeopardise the presence of Western oil firms. One can imagine that China just might be willing to step into such a vacuum and help Chad develop its oil exports, especially if the lion’s share went to China.
And immediately after his unpleasant diplomatic visit to Washington in April, Hu went on to Nigeria, long regarded by the US as its “oil sphere of interest”.
Hu signed a deal under which Nigeria, Africa’s largest oil producer, will give China four oil drilling licences in exchange for a commitment to invest $4 billion in infrastructure. China will buy a controlling stake in Nigeria's 110,000-barrel per day Kaduna oil refinery and build railways and power stations, as well as take a 45% stake in developing Nigeria’s giant OML-130 offshore oil and gas field.
US hawks alarmed

The curious charge against China of “not playing by the rules” and “trying to secure energy at the source” begins to assume real dimension when these and recent Russian energy moves are taken as a totality.
It’s little wonder that some Washington hawks are getting alarmed. Suddenly, the world of potential “enemies” is no longer restricted to the Islam-centred “war on terror”. Leading neo-conservative ideologue Robert Kagan wrote a prominent opinion piece on it in the April 30 Washington Post.
Kagan is privy to pretty high-level thinking in Washington. His wife, Victoria Nuland, worked as Cheney’s deputy national security adviser until being named US ambassador to NATO. Kagan also co-founded the hawkish Project for the New American Century (PNAC) in the late 1990s to, among other things, advocate a major US military build-up and forced regime change in Iraq.
Kagan charged that China and Russia have emerged as the protectors of “an informal league of dictators” that currently includes the leaders of Belarus, Uzbekistan, Sudan, Venezuela, Iran and Angola, among others, who, like the leaders of Russia and China themselves, resist any efforts by the West to interfere in their domestic political affairs.
“The question is what the United States and Europe decide to do in response”, wrote Kagan. “Unfortunately, al Qaeda may not be the only challenge liberalism faces today, or even the greatest.”
The mainstream US foreign policy organisation, the New York-based Council on Foreign Relations, has also weighed in on the question of Chinese energy pursuits. In an April 5 report, Sino-Russian Energy Ties, the CFR accused the Bush administration of lacking any comprehensive long-term strategy for Africa. The CFR criticised the US focus on “humanitarian issues” such as in Darfur, in western Sudan, demanding instead that the US “act on its rising national interests on the continent”. Those interests? The CFR lists oil and gas number one, and growing competition with China as number two.
[Abridged from <http://www.globalresearch.ca>. William Engdahl, a US economist and free-lance journalist, is the author of the best-selling book, A Century of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order, published by Pluto Press (2004). He may be contacted through his website, <http://www.engdahl.oilgeopolitics.net>].
From Green Left Weekly, June 21 2006.
Visit the Green Left Weekly home page.

[OnkelBraesig]

FB in ihrem Nigeria-Thread zum Prozeß mit Sapetro:

Nächster und wahrscheinlich letzter Gerichtstermin 29.6.2006.

Ich wette wieder dagegen.

Aber es macht auf Dauer auch keinen Spaß, immer so leicht zu
gewinnen. Das gilt natürlich auch bezüglich der anderen, abenteuer-
lichen Spekulationen des hübschen Avatars.

O.B.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.369.283 von OnkelBraesig am 01.07.06 11:38:17

Onkel Brasig, auch für dich gilt: Lesen, denken und dann schreiben. Zu dem zitierten Artikel gibt es ein Update. Und Updates heißen Updates, weil sich was geändert hat.

[OnkelBraesig]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.369.423 von Feuerblume am 01.07.06 11:50:28

Stimmt, im Update ist der zitierte Satz getilgt. Aber die
Rücknahme der falschen Aussage ist doch ein stilles Eingeständnis,
sich (wieder einmal) geirrt zu haben. Quod erat demonstrandum.
Du machst es einem wirklich zu leicht.

O.B.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.369.520 von OnkelBraesig am 01.07.06 12:08:25

Was schwadronierst du nur hier rum? Lies mal Posting 206, das an dich gerichtet ist. Das hätte dir eine Menge "Onkelhaftigkeit" erspart.

[OnkelBraesig]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.369.551 von Feuerblume am 01.07.06 12:13:00

"schwadronieren"? Erst googeln, dann posten! Fremdwörter sollte
man schon kennen, wenn man sie verwendet. Jemanden auf
offenkundige Fehler hinzuweisen, wobei ich mich seit längerem
ganz bewußt nur auf einen einzigen Punkt (Nigeria) beschränke, ist
das genaue Gegenteil von schwadronieren.

O.B.

[Feuerblume]

Antwort auf Beitrag Nr.: 22.369.716 von OnkelBraesig am 01.07.06 12:33:21

Nr. 206 hätte alle deine Postings entbehrlich gemacht, auch die Nr. 227.

[Feuerblume]

USA OUT-FLANKED IN EURASIA ENERGY POLITICS?

Monday, June 05, 2006

Curiously and quietly the United States is being out-flanked in its now-obvious strategy of controlling major oil and energy sources of the Persian Gulf, Central Asia Caspian Basin, Africa and beyond.

The US’s global energy control strategy, it’s now clear to most, was the actual reason for the highly costly regime change in Iraq, euphemistically dubbed ‘democracy’ by Washington. George W. Bush restated his democracy mantra as recently as May 28 at the West Point military graduating ceremony where he declared that America's safety depends on an aggressive push for democracy, especially in the Middle East. ‘This is only the beginning,’ Bush said. ‘The message has spread from Damascus to Tehran that the future belongs to freedom, and we will not rest until the promise of liberty reaches every people in every nation.’

If the trend of recent events continues, it won’t be Bush-style democracy that is spreading, but rather, Russian and Chinese influence over major oil and gas energy supplies.

The quest for energy control has informed Washington’s support for high-risk ‘color revolutions’ in Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Belarus and Kyrgystan in recent months. It lies behind US activity in the Western Africa Gulf of Guinea states, as well as in Sudan, source of 7% of China oil import. It lies behind US policy vis-à-vis Hugo Chavez’ Venezuela and Evo Morales’ Bolivia.

In recent months, however, this strategy of global energy dominance, a strategic US priority, has shown signs of producing just the opposite: a kind of ‘coalition of the unwilling,’ states who increasingly see no other prospect, despite traditional animosities, but to cooperate to oppose what they see as a US push to control it all, their energy future security.

Some in Washington are beginning to realize they might have been too clever by about half, as is evident in recent public statements to both China and Russia, two nations whose cooperation in some form is essential to the success of the global US energy project.

Offending both China and Russia

Contrary to advice from older China hands, including former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, architect of the Nixon 1972 opening to China, the White House denied visiting Chinese President Hu Jintao the honor of a full state dinner when he visited in April, serving instead a short lunch. Hu was publicly humiliated by a well-known Falun Gong heckler at the White House press conference and by other obvious humiliations. In other words, the White House welcomed Hu with a diplomatic slap in the face.

At the same time, Vice President Dick Cheney slapped Russia’s Putin, with the most open attack on its internal human rights policy as well as its energy policy in a speech in the Baltic state of Lithuania in early May. There, Cheney declared of Russia, ‘the government has unfairly and improperly restricted the rights of her people.’ He accused Russia of energy ‘intimidation and blackmail.’ Some days later, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice reiterated that Russia should be ‘pressed’ on democratic reforms. Rice also slapped China in the face in March during a trip to Southeast Asia, calling China a ‘negative force’ in Asia.

Curiously, Washington has repeatedly accused China of ‘not playing by the rules,’ in terms of its oil politics, declaring that China is guilty of ‘seeking to control energy at the source,’ as though that had not been US energy policy for the past century or so.

The significance of taking aim simultaneously at both Russia and China, the two Eurasian giants, the one the largest investor in US Treasury securities, the other the world’s second most developed military nuclear power, reflects the realization in Washington that all may not be as seamless in the quest for global domination as originally promised by various strategists in and around the Bush Administration.

SCO takes on new weight

On June 15, member nations of the Shanghai Co-operation Organization, led by China and Russia, will reportedly invite observer, Iran, to full membership. That meeting will be held in Shanghai. Even if full membership is postponed as has been mooted, the fact remains that Russia and China both want to seal closer cooperation with Iran in Eurasian energy cooperation.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, SCO, was founded in June 2001 by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. Its stated goal was to facilitate ‘cooperation in political affairs, economy and trade, scientific-technical, cultural, and educational spheres as well as in energy, transportation, tourism, and environment protection fields.’ Recently, however, the SCO is beginning to look like an energy-financial bloc in central Asia consciously being developed to serve as a counter-pole to US hegemony.



In recent months their members have taken several potentially strategic steps to distance themselves from US dependence, both in energy as well as monetary dependence. A look at the map indicates the potential of an expanded SCO.


Russia’s energy geopolitics

In his recent State of the Union speech, President Putin announced that Russia is planning to make the Ruble convertible into other major currencies, such as the Euro, and to use the Ruble in its oil and gas transactions. The convertible Ruble is due to be introduced according to latest Russian statements, on July 1, 2006, six months before originally planned. Russia also has stated it plans to shift a share of its now considerable dollar reserves away from the dollar and that it will use $40 billion in US dollars to purchase gold reserves.

Russia’s state-owned natural gas transport company, Transneft, has consolidated its pipeline control to become the sole exporter of Russian natural gas. Russia has by far the world’s largest natural gas reserves and Iran the second largest. With Iran, the SCO would control the vast majority of the world's natural gas reserves, as well as a significant portion of its oil reserves, not to mention potential control of the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow corridor for a majority of Gulf oil tanker shipment to Japan and the West.

In late May it was reported that Russia and Algeria, the two largest gas suppliers to Europe, have agreed to increase energy co-operation. Algeria has given Russian companies exclusive access to Algerian oil and gas fields, and Gazprom and Sonatrach will co-operate in delivery of gas to France. Putin has cancelled Algeria’s $4.7 billion debt to Russia, and for its part, Algeria will buy $7.5 billion worth of Russian advanced jet fighters, air defense systems and weapons. Oh oh.

On May 26 Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov also announced Russia will definitely supply Iran with sophisticated Tor-M1 anti-aircraft missiles, reportedly as a prelude to supply far more sophisticated weapons. Ouch.

Then, in one of the more fascinating examples of geopolitical chutzpah by Putin’s Russia in the area of energy, the Kremlin-controlled Gazprom gas monopoly has entered into quiet negotiations with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert through Olmert’s billionaire friend, Benny Steinmetz, to secure Russian natural gas supplies to Israel via an undersea pipeline from Turkey to Israel.

According to the Israeli paper, Yediot Ahronot, Olmert’s office has said it will support the Gazprom proposal. In several years Israel faces gas shortage from Tethys Sea drilling and soon gas from Egypt. Tethys Sea gas is projected to run dry in a few years. British Gas is in talks to supply gas from Gaza but Israel disputes BG right to drill. But even with Egypt and Gaza gas shortages are expected by 2010 unless Israel is able to find new sources. Enter Gazprom and Putin. The gas would be diverted from the underutilized Russia-Turkey Bluestream pipeline which Russia built for increasing influence over Turkey two years ago. Putin clearly seeks to gain a lever inside Israel over the one-sided US influence on Israel policy. Oyvey!

China energy geopolitics also in high gear

Beijing for its part is also moving to ‘secure energy at the sources.’ China's booming economy, with 9% growth, requires massive natural resources to sustain its growth. China became a net importer of oil in 1993. By 2045, China will depend on imported oil for 45% of its energy needs.

On May 26, Kazakhstan crude oil began to flow into China from a newly-completed oil pipeline from Atasu in Kazakhstan to the Alataw Pass in far western China Xinjiang province, a 1,000 kilometer route announced only last year. It marked the first time oil is being pumped directly into China. Kazkhstan is also a member of the SCO, but had been regarded by Washington since the collapse of the Soviet Union, as its sphere of influence, with ChevronTexaco, Condi Rice’s old oil company, the major oil developer.

By 2011 the pipeline with extend some 3,000 kilometers to Dushanzi where the Chinese are building its largest oil refinery due to complete by 2008. China financed the entire $700 million pipeline and will buy the oil. In 2005 China’s CNPC state oil company bought PetroKazkhstan for $4.2 billion ands will use it to develop oilfields in Kazakhstan.

China is also in negotiations with Russia for a pipeline to deliver Siberian oil to Northeast China a project that could be completed by 2008, and a natural gas pipeline from Russia to Heilongjiang in China’s Northeast. China just passed Japan to rank as world’s second largest oil importer behind the United States.

Beijing and Moscow are also integrating their electricity economies. In late May the China State Grid Corp announced it plans to increase imports of Russian electricity fivefold by 2010.

China everywhere in African oil states

In its relentless quest to secure future oil supplies ‘at the source,’ China has also moved into traditional US, British and French oil domains in Africa. In addition to being the major developer of Sudan’s oil pipeline which ships some 7% of total China oil imports, Beijing has been more than active in West Africa in the states bordering the oil-rich Gulf of Guinea, source of vast fields of highly-prized low-sulphur oil.


Since the creation of the China-Africa Forum in 2000, China has scrapped tariffs on 190 imported goods from 28 of the least developed African countries, and cancelled $1.2 billion in debt.

Indicative of the way China is doing an end-run around the customary IMF-led Western control of African states, China’s export-import bank recently gave a $2 billion soft loan to Angola. In return, the Luanda government gave China a stake in oil exploration in shallow waters off the coast. The loan is to be used for infrastructure projects. In contrast, US interest in war-torn Angola has rarely gone beyond the well-fortified oil enclave of Cabinda, where ExxonMobil along with Shell Oil have dominated until recently. That is apparently about to change with the growing Chinese interest.

Chinese infrastructure projects underway in Angola include railways, roads, a fibre-optic network, schools, hospitals, offices and 5,000 units of housing developments. A new airport with direct flights from Luanda to Beijing is also planned.

Indirectly, through its support of the Sudan government, China is also a contender in a high-stakes game of potential regime change in neighboring, oil-rich Chad. Earlier this year, World Bank ‘tough guy,’ Paul Wofowitz, was forced to back down from plans to cut off World Bank aid, after threat of an oil export cut-off by tiny Chad. ExxonMobil is currently the major oil company active in Chad. But Sudan backs Chad rebels, who were only prevented from toppling the notoriously corrupt and unpopular regime of President Idriss Deby by 1,500 French soldiers propping up the Deby regime. Washington has joined with Paris in backing Deby.

Sudan has involved China, rather than Western corporations, in exploiting its oil fields, largely as a result of misconceived US sanctions imposed in 1997, which blocked American oil companies from doing business in Sudan. A new Sudan-backed regime in Chad would jeopardise the Chad-Cameroon pipeline and Western oil firms. One can imagine China just might be willing to step into such a vacuum and help Chad develop its oil, especially if the lion’s share went to China.

And immediately after his unpleasant diplomatic visit to Washington in April, where the Chinese President was greeted by a White House diplomacy of deliberate insults reminiscent of a University of Texas frat house prank, Hu Jintao went on to Nigeria, long regarded by Washington as its ‘oil sphere of interest.’

In Nigeria, Africa’s largest oil producer, Hu signed a deal with the Nigerian government where Nigeria will give China four oil drilling licenses in exchange for a commitment to invest $ 4 billion in infrastructure. China will buy a controlling stake in Nigeria's 110,000-barrel per day Kaduna oil refinery and build railway and power stations, as well as take a 45% stake in developing Nigeria’s OML-130 offshore oil and gas field, referred to by China CNOOF oil company chairman as, ‘an oil and gas field of huge interest…located in one of the world’s largest oil and gas basins.’

Almost all of Nigeria's current oil production is controlled by Western multinationals. But the situation there will also soon change in China’s favor.

Similar soft infrastructure loans or energy investment offers are being made by China to Gabon, Ivory Coast, Liberia and Equatorial Guinea.

The curious charge against China of ‘not playing by the rules,’ and ‘trying to secure energy at the source,’ begins to assume real dimension when these and Russian recent energy moves are taken as a totality.

Washington’s conclusion? Oops…

It’s little wonder that some Washington hawks are getting alarmed. Suddenly, the world of potential ‘enemies’ is no longer restricted to the Islam-centered War on Terror. Leading neo-conservative ideologue, Robert Kagan wrote a prominent OpEd recently in the Washington Post. Kagan is privy to pretty high-level thinking in Washington, presumably. His wife, Victoria Nuland, worked as Vice President Cheney’s Deputy National Security Advisor until being named US Ambassador to NATO.

Kagan declared, in reference to Russia and China, ‘Until now the liberal West's strategy has been to try to integrate these two powers into the international liberal order, to tame them and make them safe for liberalism.’ Kagan co-founded the hawkish Project for the New American Century (PNAC in the late 1990’s to among other things advocate a major US military buildup and forced regime change in Iraq, the latter a year prior to the September 11, 2001 attack.

Kagan continued, ‘If, instead, China and Russia are going to be sturdy pillars of autocracy over the coming decades, enduring and perhaps even prospering, then they cannot be expected to embrace the West's vision of humanity's inexorable evolution toward democracy and the end of autocratic rule.’

Kagan charged that China and Russia have emerged as the protectors of ‘an informal league of dictators’ – that, according to Kagan, currently includes the leaders of Belarus, Uzbekistan, Burma, Zimbabwe, Sudan, Venezuela, Iran and Angola, among others – around the world, who, like the leaders of Russia and China themselves, resist any efforts by the West to interfere in their domestic affairs, either through sanctions or other means.

‘The question is what the United States and Europe decide to do in response,’ wrote Kagan. ‘Unfortunately, al-Qaeda may not be the only challenge liberalism faces today, or even the greatest.’ The question, as Kagan wisely states it, is what the United States or Europe can do in response. The genius of Washington hawk strategy is showing its tattered edges.

The mainstream US foreign policy organization, the New York Council on Foreign Relations has also recently weighed in on the question of especially Chinese energy pursuits. In a recent report, the CFR accuses the Bush Administration of lacking any comprehensive long-term strategy for Africa. They criticize US focus on humanitarian issues such as in Darfur southern Sudan, demanding instead that the US ‘act on its rising national interests on the continent.’ Those interests? The CFR lists oil and gas number one; growing competition with China (closely related to 1) as number two. Oops…

* F. William Engdahl is author of the book, ‘A Century of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order,’ Pluto Press Ltd. He has a soon-to-be published book on GMO titled, ‘Seeds of Destruction: The Hidden Political Agenda Behind GMO’. He may be contacted through his website, www.engdahl.oilgeopolitics.net.

[Feuerblume]

Global group faults oil bid process in Nigeria


July 2, 2006, 6 hours, 34 minutes and 25 seconds ago.

By ANDnetwork .com

The controversy over the last round bids for Oil Blocks took a new twist as The Federation of Global Watchdog, faulted the entire process and asked the President to review the whole process to ensure transparency.

The group in a statement issued at the weekend from its base in Finland, maintained that having followed with utmost concern and interest the controversy trailing the entire bid process for oil blocks licences in Nigeria, and given the fact that Nigeria is a signatory to several international protocols on transparency in the conduct of businesses, the FGW calls for a sanitisation of the process for bids to remove allegations of political victimisation, corruption and unethical conducts.

Mervi Nystrom, programmes co-ordinator of the FGW who issued the statement on behalf of FGW, said that her organisation "views with utmost disappointment and condemnation the alleged lack of transparency and ethical misconducts that characterised Nigeria’s 2005 Bid Round for licenses in the Oil and Gas Sector".

“Expectedly, the bid Round has been greeted with controversy, arising from alleged cases of tardiness” by officials of government.

While tracing the controversy to the decision of former Defence Minister, TY Danjuma’s Company, South Atlantic Petroleum Ltd, to go to court to challenge the federal government's decision on OPL 246 the Group insisted in a petition it forwarded to Transparency International that a correction of the wrongs in the whole process is needed because "this has cast a slur on the global reputation and integrity of Nigeria and put to test President Olusegun Obasanjo's well known war on corruption”.

IT added: "The level of alleged cases of ethical misconduct and victimisation have reached such an alarming proportion that the country’s former Defence Minister and an operator in the all-important Oil and Gas Sector, TY Danjuma has slammed a legal action against the presidency in a bid to seek constitutional redress. There are so many victims of this open abuse of transparency ...who, for fear of political victimisation, cannot raise their voices."

It would be recalled that the 2005 bid round for the award of licences in the oil and gas sector have been characterised by controversy, accusations of lack of tidiness and ethical misconducts.

The Finland Scandinavia based affiliate of Transparency International in its demands called on Obasanjo and all other global anti-corruption monitors to "intervene and ensure that correction of the wrongs is transparent, open and just, for anything short of this, would amount to an official endorsement of corruption by the Nigerian government".

She added: “We hereby call on president Obasanjo and the international community to investigate those involved in these alleged shady deals in order to institute a regime of transparency and global confidence in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector.

“This can only be done by ensuring that the wrongs in the 2005 bid rounds are corrected, the suppressed and short-changed are issued their licenses signatures or instruments without further delay, especially at a time when the rest of the world is looking up to Nigeria as a nation with the prospect of becoming Africa’s major hope. What is at stake is also indigenes firm because the oil majors are insignificant here."

They warned that oil and gas sector play a strategic role in Nigeria's development, the FGW urged the international community and Obasanjo to save the situation.

"The oil and gas sector holds sway in Nigeria, one of Africa's most significant nations. It is therefore against this background that the Federation of Global Watchdogs reiterate its call on President Obasanjo, global anti-corruption agencies and the international community to intervene in the worsening situation and controversy.

We however note with hope and optimism that Obasanjo has the capacity to effect these proposed far-reaching remedies, given his avowed stand against corruption.

This Day

[Feuerblume]

Oil bloc: SAPETRO justifies legal action against FG
• Monday, Jul 3, 2006
South Atlantic Petroleum (SAPETRO), an oil firm belonging to former Defence Minister (rtd). Lt.-General, Theophilus Danjuma, has insisted that its legal action over the federal government’s reversion of its oil bloc was competent.

SAPETRO, in April, sued the government for taking back the residual portion of the company’s Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) 246 before the expiration of the licence, which it claimed, was in 2008.

The Tide reports that at the resumed hearing of the case before Justice Abdullahi Mustapha of a Federal High Court in Lagos, SAPETRO argued that it followed the right procedures in initiating the action.

The government had argued that the legal action was incompetent because it followed a wrong procedure by seeking judicial review of the Petroleum Act instead of a writ of summons.

However, SAPETRO’s counsel, Mr Charles candide-Johnson, told the court last week that his client obtained its leave before filing the action, arguing that since there was no appeal against it, the action was competent and should succeed.

Candide-Johnson argued that seeking judicial review of the Petroleum Act was proper since the licence was granted under the provisions of the Act.

He submitted that the issue to be determined by the court was whether or not the Minister of Petroleum Resources erred by reversing the residual portion of OPL 246.

The plaintiffs counsel, who was replying on points of law to the government’s submission, argued that the granting of an OPL was a right, whose violation should be challenged and that whether it was a private or public right was not relevant.

He was reacting to the government’s submission earlier that the issue before the court was not a case of public law function but that of violation of a private contractual right that should be initiated through a writ of summons, rather than a judicial review.

Candide-Johnson also submitted that the preliminary objection to the suit by the government was incompetent, saying that it was brought orally, contrary to the rules of the court.

SAPETRO is seeking an injunction restraining the government from reversing the oil bloc, having claimed that the reversion was arbitrary and a violation of its contractual right.

The government had concluded its own submissions, arguing that the Minister of Petroleum Resources did not err in the reversion but followed due process.

Mustapha adjourned the case till July 12, for continuation of the plaintiffs reply on points of law.

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