[b]Der Krieg[/b] - 500 Beiträge pro Seite

[DaisyR.]

Der Stand der Dinge:
Irakische Elitetruppen sind von Bagdad aus nach Süden unterwegs.
Der Sandsturm begünstigte diese Truppenbewegung, so daß
nur ein Teil der irakischen Truppe abgefangen werden konnte.
Nördlich von Bagdad baut sich eine amerikanische Linie auf,
sie wurde durch Luftlandetruppen ergänzt.

Das bedeutet:
Die irakischen Truppen in Bagdad haben sich reduziert,
die amerikanischen Truppen im Norden von Bagdad wurden verstärkt.
Zwischen Bagdad und den amerikanischen Truppen im Süden von Bagdad liegen keine irakischen Truppen.
Die irakischen Truppen sind hinter die amerikanische Linie im Südenvon Bagdad gelangt.
Die Funktionieren der amerikanischen Logistik im Süden kann nicht vorausgesetzt werden.
Wegen der irakischen Zange (Bagdad und hinter die amerikanische Linie gelangten irakischen Einheiten) um die Truppen im Süden ist Verstärkung und Logistik auf dem Luftwege riskant.

[DaisyR.]

Das bedeutet ferner:
Die Schwächung der amerikanischen Kräfte südlich von Bagdad wird kompensiert durch die neue Stellung im bewohnten Norden. Eine Abdrängung Saddams und seiner Truppen gen Süden, d. h. in Richtung Kuweit, ist nicht anzunehmen, da Saddam Bagdad nicht aufgeben wird. Unwahrscheinlich, aber nicht undenkbar, ist, daß Saddam nach Süden flieht oder bereits geflohen ist. Irak verstärkt seine Stellungen im Süden und bindet dadurch sowohl eigene als auch amerikanische Kräfte im Süden. Der
von Saddam nicht freundlich gesonnenen Kurden bewohnte Norden ist von irakischen Kräften weitgehend entblößt und kann somit als sicheres Gebiet für die US-Kräfte angesehen werden. Diese Stellung dürfte noch ausgebaut werden, denn sie bildet eine Bastion im Rücken von Bagdad und stellt sozusagen eine Teilung des Irak dar. Die Anwesenheit der Amerikaner dürfte den Kurden, die eine türkische Invasion befürchten, gelegen sein, so daß sie die Amerikaner wohl unterstützen werden. Dadurch wird der irakische Widerstand auf das Gebiet von Bagdad und den Süden zusammengepreßt. Unsicher ist noch das Gebiet westlich von Bagdad, wo sich derzeit nur jene amerikanischen Truppenteile befinden dürften, die versuchen, auf dem Landweg in den Norden vorzustoßen. Von Kämpfen an dieser Seite hat man allerdings noch nichts gehört. Saddam Hussein scheint den größeren Teil seiner Gardetruppen (nach Abzug jener, die er in den Süden schickte) in Bagdad behalten zu wollen, um ihe Einsatzkraft nicht zu zersplittern. Die iranische Grenze östlich von Bagdad wurde bisher vernachlässigt, der Iran gilt als dem Irak nicht befreundetes Land. Allerdings könnten von hier islamistische Guerillakämpfer einsickern, um Saddam zu Hilfe zu kommen. Trotz der Stärke seiner Truppen (400 000 Mann), hat Saddam nicht versucht, Bagdad durch einen militärischen Ring abzusichern. Er scheint sich auf Straßenkämpfe in Bagdad vorzubereiten. Dabei wären Guerillakämpfer mit Sicherheit nützlich. Ob die Amerikaner unter diesen Gegebenheiten ihre Pläne zur Einnahme Bagdads fortführen oder sich in einen Stellungskrieg außerhalb der Stadt begeben, bleibt abzuwarten. Eine "Belagerung" dieser Art, die Bagdad auch von jeglicher Versorgung abschneiden würde, wäre für die Bevölkerung Bagdads, die zu schonen vorgesehen war, mindestens längerfristig katastrophal. Das US-Kommando wird sich entscheiden müssen, ob sie im Versuch, die Stadt schnellstmöglich einzunehmen das Leben eigener Soldaten riskieren oder ob sie mit einer langwierigen Belagerung die Bevölkerung von Bagdad aushungern wollen.

[DaisyR.]

Makabrer Scherz:
Jüngst wurde irrtümlich eine Ladenstraße in Bagdad zerbombt. Man hatte sie für die "Bin-Laden-Straße" gehalten.

[DaisyR.]

Der Anfang des Krieges aus amerikanischer Sicht. Oder: Wer hat die Ölquellen von Rumaila angezündet? War der plötzliche Einmarsch nach Irak tatsächlich unvorbereitet?

<On The Road To Baghdad (US News & World Report)
Sun Mar 23, 7:00 PM ET
BY MARK MAZZETTI AND KEVIN WHITELAW
SOUTHERN IRAQ --From miles away and 200 feet off the ground, the Rumaila oil fires are red specks in the distance, mimicking the first slanting rays of a rising desert sun. As the distance closes, though, their fury becomes apparent, flame and smoke spewing out from the scarred earth. In his UH-1 Huey command helicopter, Lt. Gen. James Conway knows it could have been worse. "A hell of a lot worse," says the commander of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force that made the first dash into Iraq to prevent Saddam Hussein`s forces from laying waste to his nation`s vast oil reserves, kicking off the long-anticipated ground war earlier than planned

Conway has flown into southern Iraq to inspect the burning fields, to congratulate the troops who scored the first success in the Iraq war, and to encourage them to continue pressing their aggressive campaign. There is some irony in this because by the time Conway touches down in the desert--48 hours after the ground war began--there are hardly any marines left to be congratulated and encouraged. Most have charged farther up the road, in pursuit of more Iraqi troops. "They`ve already skedaddled north," says Maj. Tom Carnesi, an operations officer for the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force. "Headed to the next battle."
The race for Baghdad is on. The missile strike that opened the war was a bold stab at the heart of Iraq`s leadership. Saddam`s regime buckled, but it didn`t break. Wherever he holed up after the opening-nightstrike that evidently just missed him, the Iraqi leader, unless he is totally deprived of the ability to see and hear the violence convulsing his beleaguered nation, must have at least some idea of the endless columns of steel slashing across his southern deserts. With bombs and missiles clearing the way, American tanks and troop carriers roared north from Kuwait, putting aside customary precautions about guarding their flanks and outnumbering the enemy. The farther they advance, however, the more the resistance is apt to increase, with Baghdad the likely epicenter of the conflict--unless Saddam is killed or captured first.
The war plan is simple but unconventional--skip the smaller battles along the way as much as possible and go right for the regime`s heart. But the logistics of moving tens of thousands of troops and their equipment deep into Iraq at high speeds are numbingly complex. U.S. forces are steering clear of Iraqi towns and cities when possible, moving much faster than in the massive ground assault of the first Gulf War (news - web sites), 12 years ago. Troops in the 2nd Brigade of the 3rd Infantry Division were leading the charge to the Iraqi capital. For the first two days, they encountered only the odd camel caravans and a few bewildered Bedouins, some of whom happily offered to surrender.
Despite the aura of invincibility, many of the young American troops were clearly rattled in the early moments of the attack. As one Bradley fighting vehicle crossed the border into Iraq, the gunner warned that there could be a firefight ahead. "Get ready to go dismount," he warned. "It looks like we`re gonna get to go kill somebody." It was a false alarm, as it turned out, which was a big relief to one young soldier who had begun hyperventilating and had to be sedated. "If you really knew me, you`d know that I am not like this," the young man said, just before he passed out. "I`m usually a bad motha - - - - - -."
Onesies and twosies. Elsewhere, however, it quickly became clear that parts of Saddam`s regime are not going to give up without a fight. Iraqi Army units threw up more resistance in strategic towns like the port of Umm Qasr and the town of An Nasiriyah. The small clashes almost certainly foreshadow tougher challenges ahead as coalition forces close in on the core of Iraq`s elite military and security units in and around Baghdad. U.S. intelligence officials believe that Saddam has dispatched some of his security forces in civilian clothes to harass coalition forces in places like Umm Qasr. "We`re seeing a lot of onesies and twosies shooting at us," says Col. Larry Brown, the operations officer for the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force. "Someone will pop up over a berm and fire an RPG and then run like hell. But we`re not seeing any kind of organized counterattack on our force."
Within hours after the start of the ground war, Gen. Tommy Franks, the overall commander of what the Pentagon (news - web sites) is calling "Operation Iraqi Freedom," started seeing the kinds of scenes he and his top aides had fervently hoped for--Iraqi troops surrendering and locals waving happily at American troops. In newly liberated towns, soldiers and townspeople ripped down the ubiquitous posters of Saddam. Iraqi shepherds and villagers lined the supply route being used by the 101st Airborne Division and the 3rd Infantry Division, holding out their hands to beg for food and water. The sight moved many soldiers. "I thought this wasn`t our war," said Spc. Jeremy Cook, a soldier in the 101st. "But that just changed my mind."
The swift early advance is very unlikely to prove an accurate prologue for the rest of the campaign. "We`ve cut through the outer layers easily," says an intelligence official, "but there may be some hard, chunky areas underneath the skin." Saddam had pulled back his most competent forces to defend Baghdad and effectively conceded large swaths of territory before the war even began. "Essentially," Brown says, "he`s hunkered down and letting us come to him."
Maybe, but Iraq`s top leadership is clearly reeling from the first "shock and awe" attacks on Baghdad. With rumors of possible defections swirling, Franks`s war planners rewrote the opening act, delaying "shock and awe" in favor of a far more limited but highly targeted "decapitation" strike at Saddam, his two sons, and a handful of top aides. Soon afterward, Franks gave the all-clear for the larger assault. Two days into the campaign, nearly 2,000 precision-guided munitions slammed into targets across Iraq in a billion-dollar barrage unprecedented in its sophistication. Unlike the 40-day bombing campaign that opened the first Gulf War, precision weaponry was aimed narrowly this time at taking out the levers and symbols of power. In Baghdad, this meant Saddam`s palaces and security headquarters.
Even with 4,000 sorties flown over the first three days, the campaign was scaled back dramatically from the plan originally briefed to the White House, as it became clear how much damage had already been done to Saddam`s regime. "The resistance both in the air and on the ground is not organized or focused or well led, which gives the impression of an enemy that is indeed collapsing," says Maj. Gen. Dan Leaf, the senior Air Force officer working with the Army in Kuwait. "If that regime has already been fractured, then we don`t want to unnecessarily attack targets."
Sabotage. After all, this is a different kind of war. The objective is not simply an enemy`s defeat. The Bush administration hopes to defeat Saddam while still winning over the Iraqi people. "All I know is that the liberation of Iraq is underway," proclaimed Secretary of State Colin Powell (news - web sites), "and we want to do it in a way that will demonstrate to the world that we come as liberators." Over the past few weeks, Franks and the cadre of generals helping him manage the war have been refining a detailed list of "no-strike targets," including hospitals, schools, mosques, water-processing plants, and historical sites. Minimizing destruction will, they hope, pay dividends in popular support for American troops in Iraq and in assuaging opposition to the war.
For President Bush, the war is a bold venture that will shape the rest of his presidency. After weeks of meetings and brainstorming sessions with the war cabinet, Bush gave his final approval last week. One aspect Bush was particularly concerned about during the planning was securing the Iraqi oil fields, which he emphasized repeatedly in his national security briefings.
And as it turned out, what set in motion the largest U.S. ground operation since the Gulf War was not an Iraqi military retaliation but economic sabotage. On Thursday at midday, U.S. spy satellites trained on southern Iraq detected three plumes of smoke in Rumaila oil fields, where intelligence assets had earlier picked up the movement of tanks from Iraq`s 51st Mechanized Infantry Division. The satellite images confirmed the worst fears of war planners: The scorched-earth campaign had begun. The order came for the 1st Marine Division to get ready to cross into Iraq within hours.
They had planned to go the following morning. But at 8 p.m. local time on Thursday, division units under the command of Maj. Gen. James Mattis breached the demilitarized zone and rolled its tanks onto Iraqi soil. The ground war had begun.
Inside the Combat Operations Center at Camp Commando, headquarters of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force, the announcement of a successful crossing brought cheers from the staff officers tracking the movements of U.S., British, and Iraqi forces on giant video screens. "Into the motherland!" shouted one Marine officer. Commanding officer Conway stood watch as his team executed a script of opening night operations it had rehearsed for months.
It was a script with a dizzyingly complex opening act: securing the Rumaila oil fields (Iraq`s largest) before Saddam`s forces could set them ablaze and seizing the pumping stations and oil platforms on Iraq`s southern Al Faw peninsula. Taken together, the first night`s targets make up nearly the full extent of Iraq`s southern oil infrastructure. The pumping stations have the capacity to churn out 1.6 million barrels of oil per day, making them an even more critical objective than the oil fields themselves for preventing environmental disaster and providing economic security for post-Saddam Iraq.
Nearly the total force of Mattis`s 20,000-man 1st Marine Division made a dash to the Rumaila fields, the visibility of the advancing troops already obscured by smoke from the handful of burning wellheads and oil trenches set ablaze by Saddam`s troops. During the next 24 hours, the marines successfully secured both the four key gas-oil separation plants along the 30-mile oil range and the pumping station in Az Zubayr--dubbed by military officials the "crown jewel" of the Rumaila oil complex.

Navy SEALs were given the Al Faw mission, with commandos from the Royal Marines following close behind. After a "preassault" barrage from Marine and Air Force jets and AC-130 gunships, SEAL teams flew close to the water on MH-53 Sea Stallion helicopters as they approached their objective: two oil platforms in the Persian Gulf off the coast of Al Faw. By the morning of March 21, Royal Marine units had secured the entire peninsula--reducing by 90 percent Saddam`s ability to soak the Persian Gulf with Iraqi crude, according to military estimates. World oil markets breathed a sigh of relief, but the U.S. concern, it turned out, was justified. The SEAL teams discovered that explosives had been placed at many of the wells, although they had not yet been wired to detonators.
The remains of the Iraqi leadership did its best to sound defiant publicly. Iraqi TV and radio remained on the air for the first days of the war. And hours after the missile strike aimed at Saddam, the Iraqi leader appeared on television calling for jihad, or holy war. "Iraq will be victorious," he proclaimed, "and the evil will be hit to the extent that it will no longer be able to carry out crimes."
Despite the public Iraqi bravado, most of the coalition`s early losses came from mechanical failures or human error, as several helicopter crashes killed 19 American and British soldiers. In contrast, early combat losses were limited to two marines.
In the areas that had been captured, U.S. special operations forces fanned out quickly in search of any stores of chemical and biological weapons. One of the early strikes was aimed at key airfields in Iraq`s western desert to prevent Iraq from firing missiles, perhaps with chemical warheads, at Israel. In the north, U.S. missiles struck an enclave controlled by Ansar al-Islam, a terrorist group that Washington says is linked to al Qaeda. Kurdish officials reported that some 100 fighters were killed in the attack. But a suicide bombing hours later that killed one journalist and injured another suggested the strike may not have been fatal to Ansar.
Other serious dangers still lie ahead. U.S. intelligence officials noted that U.S. troops had clearly not reached the line at which Saddam has ordered his troops to unleash his deadly arsenal. This could well occur when the U.S. military advances on Saddam`s Republican Guard divisions ringing the Iraqi capital. "We certainly want to make sure that if we haven`t seen [weapons of mass destruction] by the time we cross the line, that we are prepared when we come up against that first Republican Guard outfit," says Conway.
House to house? Inside Baghdad await Saddam`s best-trained and equipped forces, which could still pack a potent punch. If they take shelter in urban areas, it will be much harder to hit them from the air, and U.S. ground forces may have to move into Baghdad to take them on. Already, coalition forces have resisted moving into towns like Basra in order to avoid bloody urban combat.
As fast as the Army is moving toward Baghdad, progress on the northern front has been much slower. While there is a small U.S. special operations presence in the autonomous Kurdish area of Iraq, it has yet to be augmented by regular troops. After Turkey refused to allow U.S. ground troops access to its territory, U.S. planners lost their only easy entry route to northern Iraq. Turkey even refused to allow U.S. fighter jets based in the country to assist a special operations team in northern Iraq that needed help.
Not only does Washington have to worry about nearby Iraqi divisions, but the Kurds and Turks are starting to trade accusations as both eye the strategic oil-rich town of Kirkuk, currently under Saddam`s control. Kurdish leaders have long yearned to claim control over this historically Kurdish town, while Turkish troops have threatened to invade Iraq to prevent them. If the Turks cross, "I`ve given the order to shoot to kill," insists Gen. Babekir Zebari, the commander of the Kurdish Democratic Party`s armed forces. And U.S. forces may not be able to do much to prevent it. "It`s not clear how effective you can be in keeping these two sides apart if you don`t have mobility and firepower," says one intelligence official. "You can call in air power, but they`re both our allies."
Handling the thousands of Iraqi prisoners is turning into another challenge. Some planners worry that there are not enough U.S. forces to handle thousands of prisoners and other problems and still advance at the same time. In Basra, large portions of an Iraqi division surrendered to invading U.S. forces. Yet the hope for ground commanders is that Iraqi forces will "capitulate" rather than surrender. Capitulating forces are not being taken into prisoner camps but are surrendering their weapons and being allowed to go back to garrisons. The aim is to reduce any delays for U.S. troops moving north, as well as help to lay a foundation for a future Iraqi military.
Liberating Iraqi towns from Saddam`s grasp could spark another problem far more difficult than the Iraqi military: intertribal warfare that might leave thousands dead. "There`s a better-than-even chance that there`s going to be rolling civil strife just in front of us and just behind us," said Col. Alan Baldwin, intelligence chief for 1st Marine Expeditionary Force. "And that creates a real challenge for us." As an "army of liberation," part of the U.S. military`s mission is to prevent such bloodshed, but top military officials concede that there is only so much a relatively small invasion force will be able handle if Iraq`s tribal conflict should break out.
Urban trouble. Such internecine conflict could complicate matters should U.S. troops be forced to take the final stages of the conflict into Baghdad, which hopeful commanders believe will not be necessary. "I`ll tell you one thing," says Conway. "If we wound up having to take down the city of Baghdad, that has a population in excess of 5 million people, block by block and house by house, we have failed," Conway tells U.S. News.
The U.S. forces are trying their best to be sensitive--both to Iraqis and to a world audience already skeptical of their motives. When U.S. marines first seized the port of Umm Qasr, local residents hoisted an American flag. But commanders quickly ordered the flag removed to avoid appearing as conquerors.
For weeks, the Pentagon has been conducting a massive psychological operations campaign including dropping 25 million leaflets, aimed at persuading Iraqi troops to capitulate and to welcome U.S. forces. If all their efforts succeed in turning Republican Guard commanders, the Pentagon`s worst fears may not be realized. Defense officials were reporting serious talks with various Iraqi Army commanders in divisions outside Baghdad.
But the air war continued unabated against Iraqi divisions still believed to be loyal to Saddam. Commanders began calling in strikes on the Republican Guard divisions defending Baghdad. American planes owned the skies, but for the pilots flying over Baghdad, the war varied in intensity. Pilots flying off the USS Constellation reported heavy antiaircraft fire and surface-to-air missile launches. "It was like a stadium full of flash photography," said Capt. Mark Fox, commander of the carrier`s air wing and a decorated pilot who fought in the first Gulf War. For a squad of Air Force F-16 pilots, the missions were quieter. "Having seen television from Desert Storm I, I was expecting it to be heavier," said Capt. Darren Gray.
Their missions took on an added intensity as U.S. forces started racing against one other factor they can`t control: weather. Forecasts predicted blowing sand and haze, which will make it harder, but not impossible, for soldiers to operate. "I`m sure everybody`s thought is the same as mine," Lt. Gen. David McKiernan, the overall ground commander, told his deputies during a battlefield assessment. "That we need to get as many targeting effects as we can before conditions degrade.">

[DaisyR.]

Wo liegt Basra, wo liegen die Rumaila-Ölfelder?




(zu finden unter: www.multimap.com)

[DaisyR.]

Wer bewaffnet den Irak?

< Jointly published by the United States Committee for a Free Lebanon and the Middle East Forum

Vol. 4 No. 9 Table of Contents
MEIB Main Page September 2002


Syria Rearms Iraq
by Gary C. Gambill


As the United States stockpiles vital military equipment for an upcoming invasion of Iraq, Syria is reportedly supplying it with arms and spare parts, allowing Baghdad to strengthen its dilapidated armed forces. Although Iraq`s military buildup is unlikely to affect the outcome of a confrontation with American forces, it has enhanced its ability to deliver weapons of mass destruction.

Unlike his father, who brought Syria into the American-led coalition against Baghdad in 1991 and reaped enormous financial and diplomatic rewards, Syrian President Bashar Assad may pay a heavy diplomatic price for backing a losing horse.

Ominous Signals

Last spring, American airborne radar aircraft monitoring the no-fly zones in Iraq detected a steady rise in the number of flights by Iraqi combat aircraft in the unrestricted central zone of the country. This raised many eyebrows at the Pentagon. UN restrictions on imports of military equipment during the last decade had, until recently, severely depleted the combat readiness of the Iraqi air force. The number of training flights over the skies of Baghdad had been on the decline, as Iraqi technicians were increasingly forced to dismantle healthy aircraft just to obtain the spare parts to keep others flying.

Had Iran returned the scores of Iraqi aircraft that took refuge on its soil during the 1991 Gulf War? American intelligence found no evidence of this. After intense surveillance of Iraqi air force installations, it was concluded that previously grounded Soviet-build aircraft were taking to the skies. For this, there could be but one explanation - Baghdad was acquiring spare parts from an outside source. At the same time, Iraq was undertaking the largest deployment of anti-aircraft missile batteries into the no-fly zones in over two years. But who was supplying Baghdad? The most pressing question was not where the equipment originated -Soviet bloc weaponry is plentiful throughout the Middle East and eastern Europe - but how the shipments got into Iraq.

Syria was a prime suspect from the very beginning. Trade between the two former enemies had skyrocketed since border controls were greatly reduced in 2000, from virtually nothing to around $1 billion last year, and increasing levels of strategic military cooperation were evident. Moreover, Syria began importing an estimated 150,000-200,000 barrels of oil per day from Iraq, in violation of UN sanctions, allowing it to significantly boost its own oil exports. Given the large volume of overland trucking and railway traffic between the two countries, the temptation to smuggle military equipment to Iraq in lieu of payment for some or all of this oil would have been enormous for Syria`s cash-strapped government.

Indeed, three Iraqi defectors who left the country in late 2001 and early 2002 were making this precise allegation. By their accounts, a shipment of military equipment, including anti-aircraft missiles, rockets and Scud missile guidance systems, arrived from the Czech Republic under Syrian and Yemeni export licenses at the Syrian port of Latakia on February 23. An Iraqi intelligence officer was present to supervise the unloading of the shipment and its transfer overland to Iraq. The defectors said that two more shipments were planned.1

Western intelligence sources cited by the London Times in June confirmed the allegations. According to this report, the Czech arms shipments, as well as tanks imported by Syria from Bulgaria several years ago, were smuggled overland via the Aleppo-Mosul railway, which connects by rail to the Iraqi capital.2

On July 15, the Israeli daily Ha`aretz published new, though unattributed, information about the arms shipments. According to the the paper`s defense editor, Ze`ev Schiff, Syria also transferred to Iraq refurbished T-55 tank engines and replacement parts for T-72 tanks from Bulgaria and Belarus, military trucks from Russia, 80 MiG-29 engines and radar systems from Ukraine, and spare parts of unknown origin for MiG 21s, 23s and 25s.3

Within twenty-four hours of the Ha`aretz report`s publication, the Czech Ministry of Trade and Industry issued a statement insisting that no weapons exports licenses had been granted to Syria in the last two and a half years; Bulgaria`s arms trade commission denied having licensed exports of T-55 and T-72 tanks or their components to Damascus, while the Hungarian Defense Ministry denied having ever approved sales of military equipment to Syria.

However, similar denials have been heard before from former Soviet bloc governments. Since the end of the Cold War, newly-privatized defense firms and arms brokers in Central and Eastern European countries have been frequently involved in illicit arms trafficking. Typically, arms dealers have worked in conjunction with corrupt government officials and shipping agents to exploit weak export controls, set up front companies and register fraudulent documents to create a false paper trail. In most cases, arms shipments are authorized on paper for export to a third, legal destination.

It was in this fashion, for example, that Sudan was able to import T-55 tanks from Russia, BMP-2 armored personnel carriers from the Ukraine, and Mi-24B attack helicopters from Belarus during the 1990s.4 According to Human Rights Watch, in 2000 the Czech Republic "delivered surplus tanks sold to Yemen despite concerns that they might be illegally diverted" to a third country. In the mid-1990s, Bulgarian weapons were supplied illegally to Angolan rebels and Ukrainian arms dealers violated the UN arms embargo on Liberia.5

In a July 18 interview, Syrian UN Ambassador Mikhail Wehbe accused Israel of manufacturing reports on Syrian arms smuggling to Iraq, but did not specifically deny that his government has provided Baghdad with weapons.6 Indeed, the Syrian regime has seemed to relish the attention that this allegation has brought it in the Arab world. On July 25, Syrian foreign minister Farouk al-Sharaa boasted that Bush administration officials "feel that the main weak point in their war [planning] is Syria`s good relations with Iraq."7

According to the Lebanese daily Al-Nahar, American officials confronted the Syrians in May, producing satellite photographs showing Syrian arms shipments en route to Iraq.8 However, the Bush administration has not publicly accused the Assad regime of violating UN weapons sanctions against Baghdad.

This may reflect continuing uncertainty as to whether Syria is responsible for the smuggling or, more likely, uncertainty as to whether Assad himself has authorized the shipments. It is rumored that the principal Syrian figure behind the arms transfers is Firas Tlass, the son of Defense Minister Mustafa Tlass. Firas owns several holding companies in Syria and has long been involved in smuggling consumer goods into the country and selling them for a handsome profit on the black market. He has also been involved in regular commercial trade with the Iraqis.

It is also possible that the Bush administration has ascertained with a reasonable degree certainty that Assad is responsible for the sanctions violations, but is unwilling to openly rebuke the Syrian leader for fear that this would strain its already tense relations with other Arab governments. It is apparently for this reason that US officials no longer express indignation at Assad`s failure to abide by his promise to end illegal oil imports from Iraq. Once Saddam Huseein is removed, however, it not likely that Syria`s violation of the sanctions will be forgotten.

US officials are probably not overly concerned with the potential impact of Syrian arms smuggling on the military outcome of an all-out war against Iraq. The Iraqi military does not suffer from quantitative deficiencies vis-a-vis American forces, but from qualitative shortcomings. A greater concern, for example, is Iraq`s acquisition of Chinese-manufactured fiber optic cables, which have enabled it to improve its air defense system (there is no evidence that Syria played a role in this).

Extensive repairs to Iraqi aircraft and armor could, however, have a marginal impact on Saddam Hussein`s ability to suppress internal challenges to his authority. Moreover, while having more serviceable aircraft would not enable the Iraqis to mount a serious threat to American pilots, it could measurably improve the outcome of a "hail Mary" surprise air strike on Israel with chemical weapons - one or two aircraft might succeed in delivering their payloads if a sufficiently large number of aircraft attack simultaneously and overwhelm the Jewish state`s air defenses.

Notes

1 The Guardian (London) 29 April 2002.
2 The Times (London), 10 June 2002.
3 Ha`aretz, 15 July 2002.
4 Human Rights Watch, Global Trade, Local Impact: Arms Transfers to all Sides in the Civil War in Sudan, August 1998.
5 Human Rights Watch, Security Concerns Raised by Arms Transfers from Candidate Countries, 19 October 2001; No Questions Asked: The Eastern Europe Arms Pipeline to Liberia, 15 November 2001.
6 The Daily Star (Beirut), 18 July 2002.
7 The Financial Times, 26 July 2002.
7 Al-Nahar (Beirut), 21 June 2002.



© 2002 Middle East Intelligence Bulletin.>

[DaisyR.]

Wer sind Husseins Fedayyin?

<The Boston Globe March 25, 2003

Fedayeen Saddam; Us Forces Brace For More Tricks By Iraqi Militia

By Robert Schlesinger, Globe Staff

WASHINGTON - Stung by the surrender ploys that left nine Marines dead and five other soldiers captured, US military commanders yesterday were bracing for more trick attacks - including soldiers posing as journalists - from the fanatical paramilitary militia that are the most diehard supporters of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein.

US officials said yesterday that the militia, called Fedayeen Saddam, has been dispatched to attack coalition forces from the rear and to prevent regular Iraqi units from throwing down their weapons and surrendering, but the officials insisted that the United States would not shift tactics in dealing with soldiers who appear to be surrendering or civilians.

The Fedayeen Saddam, which roughly translates to "men who sacrifice themselves for Saddam," have emerged in recent years as among the most sinister forces in a repressive regime, operating independent of the military and developing a reputation for brutality notable even among the Iraqi internal security services.

"They hit below the belt," said Walid Phares, a professor of Middle East studies at Florida Atlantic University and an analyst for MSNBC. "They`re fluid, they`re everywhere, they`re ninjas."

They are expected to fight to the last man. And with their unconventional, terrorist style, they illustrate the tactical dangers of trying to eliminate Hussein`s hard-core followers while minimizing other deaths, especially as US forces approach Baghdad.

"If they sent out hundreds of these people to launch these skirmishes . . . then there`s surely thousands of them preparing the defense of Baghdad," said John Pike of GlobalSecurity.org, a defense think tank. "That was one of the root problems the Americans had in Vietnam . . . because we had trouble telling the difference between the good Vietnamese and the bad Vietcong."

Estimates of Fedayeen Saddam`s strength vary, with US government officials putting it at between 25,000 and 60,000 strong. Some of those have been dispersed in the south, in part to harass US military forces and in part to instill fear among the Iraqi fighters.

"We believe from prisoner-of-war debriefings that the Fedayeen may be preventing a number of regular soldiers from surrendering, giving the soldiers a choice of either fighting or being shot in the back," Major General Stanley McChrystal told reporters.

Hussein founded the Fedayeen in 1994, putting them under the control of his eldest son, Uday. The group was originally little more than a group of thugs in uniform, poorly equipped and trained, US officials said. But in recent years, the Fedayeen have gained new stature in the web of organizations that make up Iraq`s internal security apparatus. They train at Iraq`s alleged terrorist training facility at Salman Pak, Iraqi defector Sabah Khodada told the "Frontline" TV news program in October 2001. And they have become one of the most feared groups in the country, reporting directly to Saddam or Uday Hussein, independent of the military and political structures.

"Certainly this is a regime known for its brutality, but [the Fedayeen] would be less restrained than the regular armed forces in terms of quelling civil unrest," one US official said.

The Fedayeen allegedly beheaded women in 2000 and 2001, ostensibly for being prostitutes. "They did the Taliban thing a little bit by imposing some sort of regime of fear based on morality," Phares said.

The Fedayeen are recruited for their loyalty. They are rewarded with money and privileges, allowing them to live in luxury unknown to average Iraqis.

"These guys are going to fight to the death more than likely because they aren`t going to enjoy the same lifestyle that they enjoy now," a defense official said. "In fact, chances are they`ll probably be killed by the populace they`ve abused for the last eight, nine years."

The Fedayeen would stand little chance in straight-up battles against US forces, but appear bent on guerilla tactics such as fake surrenders and ambushes, military specialists said. Defense Department spokeswoman Victoria Clarke said, "We`ve had some information that the Iraqi military might equip vehicles and Iraqi soldiers to look like news media."

Such strikes are likely to have only a marginal strategic effect, but surrender ploys and militiamen dressed as civilians could complicate US hopes of minimizing Iraqi deaths. Nevertheless, US officials insisted they would not change their strategy.

"It`s important that we make it easy and safe for Iraqi soldiers to surrender," McChrystal said. "They must feel that they can surrender without fear, and then be treated well, which is exactly what I`m sure we`ll continue to do.">

[DaisyR.]

!

Dieser Beitrag wurde vom System automatisch gesperrt. Bei Fragen wenden Sie sich bitte an [e-mail]

[DaisyR.]

"Hilf dir selbst, so hilft dir Gott!"


<President Bush Discusses Military Operation
Remarks by the President in Press Availability Upon Return From Camp David



2003

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT

IN PRESS AVAILABILITY

UPON RETURN FROM CAMP DAVID

The South Lawn

1:00 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: I am pleased with the progress that we`re making in the early stages of a -- of the war to rid Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction, and to free the Iraqi people from the clutches of a brutal dictatorship.

Today, in our church service, Laura and I prayed for the coalition forces, those in the coalition forces who lost their lives. We pray for their families. We ask God`s comfort for those who mourn today. And we thank all the coalition forces for their bravery and courage in Operation Iraqi Freedom.



A Vision for Iraq
President Addresses the Nation

Why We Know Iraq is Lying





It is evident that it`s going to take a while to achieve our objective, but we`re on course, we`re determined, and we`re making good progress.

I`ll answer a few questions.

Q Sir, have you seen the tape --

Q Mr. President --

THE PRESIDENT: One at a time, please. Scott. Thank you.

Q What do you know about the prisoners, anything, sir?

THE PRESIDENT: I`ve been briefed, I`m constantly briefed by the Pentagon and through the National Security Office. I would -- I don`t know all the details yet. I do know that we expect them to be treated humanely, just like we`ll treat any prisoners of theirs that we capture humanely.

I think it`s an interesting contrast that a lot of their soldiers welcome American troops, they`re surrendering gleefully, happily. And they`ll be treated well. And I ask you to ask the Defense Department for further details.

Patsy.

Q Sir, what do you know about Saddam Hussein and his fate, if anything?

THE PRESIDENT: I know that Saddam Hussein is losing control of his country, that we`re slowly, but surely, achieving our objective.

It`s important for the American people to realize that this war has just begun, that it may -- it may seem like a long time because of all the action on TV, but in terms of the overall strategy, we`re just in the beginning phases, and that we`re executing a plan which will make it easier to achieve objective, and at the same time, spare innocent life.

And I`m most proud of our troops and coalition troops for showing their bravery and skill.

Larry.

Q Mr. President, do you know -- at this point, can you tell Americans, I mean, is the war progressing the way you expected it to?

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, Larry, it is. It is -- and I -- the air campaign is achieving its objective, and the ground campaign is also achieving objective. We`re slowly, but surely, taking control of that country so that we can free the people of Iraq and eventually clear that country of weapons of mass destruction. We`ve made good progress.

One of the big concerns early on was the Southern oil fields. As you all remember, we had discussions about that. There was a lot of speculation about whether or not coalition forces would be able to get to the Southern oil fields in time, before -- so that Saddam Hussein wouldn`t destroy them. As a matter of fact, I had frequently talked about the Southern oil fields -- or oil fields in general -- in my declaratory policy.

Tommy Franks put a plan in place that moved on those oil fields quickly, and at least in the south, they are secure. And that is positive news for all of us. Most of the south is now in coalition hands. Obviously, there`s pockets of resistance in a place like Basra. We`re making great progress -- in the west, we`re making great progress. The area, the launch sites for the scuds, while certainly not a hundred percent secure, but we`ve made good progress.

And so I can assure the American people we`re making good progress, and I also can assure them that this is just the beginning of a tough fight.

Q Sir, have you specifically been told that American POWs have been executed? And even --

THE PRESIDENT: I have not been told that. I have been told that we have a problem with potential capture. I`m waiting to -- when I get back upstairs I`ll talk back to the Pentagon again. I was told early this morning that perhaps our troops were captured. Maybe between the time I left Camp David and here I`ll learn more. But I am concerned about our troops. Obviously, any time one of our soldiers loses a life, I grieve with their parents and their loved ones. And if there is somebody captured, and it looks like there may be, I expect those people to be treated humanely.

Q Sir, what is your level of confidence that the Iraqi regime will surrender or collapse before U.S. forces need to be engaged in a fight in Baghdad?

THE PRESIDENT: I -- all I know is we`ve got a game plan, a strategy to free the Iraqi people from Saddam Hussein and rid his country of weapons of mass destruction, and we`re on plan.

Bill. And then Mike.

Q Iraqi TV has shown what appear to be American POWs, and also what appear to be American dead. Your reaction?

THE PRESIDENT: I expect them to be treated, the POWs I expect to be treated humanely. And -- just like we`re treating the prisoners that we have captured humanely. If not, the people who mistreat the prisoners will be treated as war criminals.

Mike.

Q Mr. President, do you retain hope that Saddam Hussein will go into exile, and are there any active negotiations about that?

THE PRESIDENT: You know, Mike, I -- he had his chance to go into exile. I gave him a 48-hour ultimatum to leave the country so that we could disarm Iraq peacefully; he chose not to go into exile.

Q Mr. President, how concerned are you about the situation in the north and Turkey`s statement that they will send troops in there and that Americans might get caught in some kind of cross-fire up there?

THE PRESIDENT: We have got more troops up north, and we`re making it very clear to the Turks that we expect them not to come into Northern Iraq. We`re in constant touch with the Turkish military, as well as Turkish politicians. They know our policy, and it`s a firm policy. And we`ve made it very clear to them we expect them not to go into Northern Iraq, as well as -- and they know we`re working with the Kurds to make sure there`s not an incident that would cause there to be an excuse to go into Northern Iraq.

Q Mr. President, what are you saying to the families of those U.S. soldiers who appear to be killed or captured, and are paraded on television --

THE PRESIDENT: I say to the families, thank -- I thank them for the sacrifice they make, and we pray with them. I pray for God`s comfort and God`s healing powers, to anybody, coalition force, American, Brit, anybody who loses a life in this -- in our efforts to make the world more peaceful and more free.

Ed.

Q Mr. President, are you surprised the enemy has not used any weapons of mass destruction?

THE PRESIDENT: I am thankful the enemy has not used any weapons of mass destruction. And we will continue employing a strategy to make it difficult for the enemy to use weapons of mass destruction.

A couple more, then I`ve got to go.

Q Mr. President, what will you be telling the congressional leaders tomorrow about the cost --

THE PRESIDENT: Wait until I talk to them. It`s probably best they hear it directly from me.

Q Mr. President, to your knowledge, is there any hope of getting these soldiers back?

THE PRESIDENT: What?

Q To your knowledge, is there any chance of getting these soldiers back?

THE PRESIDENT: Of course.

Q Mr. President, how swiftly do you expect -- to get humanitarian aid --

THE PRESIDENT: Good question. I appreciate you asking that question. The question is on humanitarian aid. In the south of Iraq, coalition forces have worked hard to make the port area secure, to make the transit of humanitarian aid as safe as possible. As -- I was told this morning in my briefings that humanitarian aid should begin moving -- massive amounts of humanitarian aid should begin moving within the next 36 hours. And that`s going to be very positive news for a lot of people who have suffered a long time under Saddam Hussein.

We`ve got a massive ground assault going on, and right behind it will be a massive movement of humanitarian aid, to help the people of Iraq. We have made that promise to the people of this country that we will do everything we can to protect innocent life. And we`re doing that. And we`ll do everything we can to help the Iraqi people. First thing, of course, that will help the Iraqi people is to rid them from a brutal dictator, somebody who has stayed in power through mutilation and rape and torture. Somebody who has starved his own people so he could build palaces. When free from that dictatorship, life will be a lot better.

But we also understand we have an obligation -- and this is just not America, it`s coalition forces -- have an obligation to put food and medicine in places so the Iraqi people can live a normal life and have hope. And that`s exactly what`s going to happen shortly when the area is completely -- safe enough to move the equipment forward.

Listen, thank you all.

Q How are you holding up, sir?

THE PRESIDENT: I feel just fine.

END 1:10 P.M. EST


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Return to this article at:
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/03/20030323-

[DaisyR.]

Die Frage nach dem Warum

<Alliierte reiben irakischen Panzerverband auf (t-online news)

Alliierte Truppen haben britischen Angaben zufolge in Basra den Großteil eines irakischen Panzer-Konvois zerstört. Der Verband wollte die umkämpfte Stadt im Süden Iraks verlassen. Laut BBC flogen britische und amerikanische Kampfflugzeuge stundenlang Einsätze gegen die Kolonne. Der bis zu 1000 Mann starke Truppenverband sei auch unter schweren Artilleriebeschuss geraten.
Nordirak Zweite Front eröffnet

Flüchten die Truppen vor Aufständischen?
Es herrschte anfänglich Verwirrung darüber, ob der Ausbruchsversuch eine Gegenoffensive oder eine Flucht vor dem angeblichen Aufstand gegen die irakische Führung darstelle. Rätselhaft blieb auch, warum die Kolonne Basra ausgerechnet nach Süden in Richtung der britischen Truppen verlassen wollte. "Wenn sie flüchten, gehen sie in die falsche Richtung", sagte ein britischer Armeesprecher.

Experte: Aktion ohne militärischen Sinn
Auch Norbert Eitelhuber, Militärexperte der Berliner Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, kann sich die Aktion der Iraker nicht erklären. Angesichts der alliierten Lufthoheit seien gepanzerte irakische Verbände mit Hubschraubern und Flugzeugen sehr einfach zu bekämpfen, sagte Eitelhuber T-Online. Selbst wenn die Panzer nicht unmittelbar zerstört werden könnten, wäre die nötige Logistik wie etwa Tankfahrzeuge den Luftangriffen schutzlos ausgeliefert. Auch die Iraker hätten nicht mit einer langen Überlebensfähigkeit des Verbandes rechnen können. Lediglich ein kurzfristiger Entlastungsangriff sei denkbar gewesen.

Flucht vor Aufständigen unwahrscheinlich
Eine Flucht des Panzerverbandes vor angeblichen Aufständen in Basra hält Eitelhuber für unwahrscheinlich. Mögliche Aufständische verfügen nach seiner Einschätzung nur über leichte Waffen und würden für gepanzerte Verbände keine große Gefahr darstellen.

Selbstmordmission gegen britische Truppen?
Die nach Einschätzung britischer Militärs "offensive Formation" hatte sich mit Richtung auf die strategisch wichtige Halbinsel Fao in Bewegung gesetzt. Das Ziel des "überraschenden Ausbruchs" blieb jedoch unklar. Es sei nicht auszuschließen, dass die irakischen Verbände in einer "Selbstmordmission" britische Truppen angreifen wollten, meinten andere Militärexperten.

Wieder heftige Luftangriffe auf Basra
Der arabische Nachrichtensender El Dschasira berichtet indes von weiteren heftigen Luftangriffen auf Basra sowie auf die nahe gelegene Stadt Abu el Chasib. Der Sender zeigte mindestens vier verletzte Zivilisten, darunter eine Frau und einen kleinen Jungen.>


meine Antwort:
Sie waren auf dem Weg, um als Kamikazefahrer die nordkuweitischen Ölquellen in Brand zu setzen. Denn Saddam hatte zwar gesagt, er werde die irakischen Ölquellen nicht zerstören, aber er hat nicht gesagt, daß er außerirakische Ölquellen nicht zerstören würde.

[DaisyR.]

Das Zitat des Tages:

Bush: "This isn`t a matter of timetable, it`s a matter of victory. And the Iraqi people have got to know that, see. They got to know that they will be liberated and Saddam Hussein will be removed, no matter how long it takes."

gefunden bei Reuters

[DaisyR.]

>The Latest Iraq Snapshot
Fri March 28, 2003 02:51 AM ET


WASHINGTON (Reuters) - A snapshot of the Iraq crisis:
* U.S. to send 100,000 reinforcements to Iraq, doubling its forces on the ground in next month

* Iraq sees Baghdad encircled by U.S. troops in five to 10 days, U.S. says forces bracing for big battle with Republican Guard near Kerbala en route to capital

* Bush says war will go on "however long it takes" to remove Saddam; Rumsfeld says there will be no cease-fire

* Baghdad hit by continued bombing on Friday morning

* U.N. Security Council members agree on Iraqi oil-for-food plan revamp, hope to vote on Friday

QUOTES

Bush: "The Iraqi people have got to know ... that they will be liberated and Saddam Hussein will be removed, no matter how long it takes."

Blair: "I`ve always known that it (the war) was likely to have tough and difficult moments and I do point out again we`re a week into this and an awful lot has been achieved."

CASUALTIES

* U.S. -- 29 killed, 17 missing

* UK -- 20 killed, two missing

* Iraqi military -- no reliable figures

* Iraqi civilians (Iraqi estimates) -- more than 350 killed, several thousand wounded

MILITARY ACTION

BAGHDAD

Explosions rock Baghdad early on Friday after night of bombardment which the U.S. military says hit communications and command facilities. Other overnight blasts are heard on the outskirts of the city, where Saddam`s elite troops are believed to be stationed. Iraq says it expects the capital to be encircled within five to 10 days.

NORTH

Kurdish fighters crossed the Iraqi frontline for the first time after about 1,000 U.S. paratroopers parachuted into Kurdish-controlled northern Iraq on Wednesday night.

SOUTH

Military sources say U.S. brigades en route to the capital battled around 1,500 Iraqis overnight near Najaf.

U.S. troops gear up for intense battle with the Republican Guard near Shi`ite holy city Kerbala, about 70 miles south of the Iraqi capital, within the next 48-72 hours.

Britain says it destroyed 14 tanks breaking out of Iraq`s second city Basra, where U.S.-led forces are still locked in fighting with Iraqi troops.>

Bitte beachten: Das Copyright für kommerzielle Verwendung liegt bei Reuters!

[DaisyR.]

Graphische Chronologie der Militäroffensive bei

http.://medias.lemonde.fr/medias/flash_obj/offensive_irak.html

[DaisyR.]

Und damit ich nicht eines Tages für "schuldig" am unerwünschten Ausgehen des Krieges aufgrund von Geheimnis-Errats erklärt werde, beende ich jetzt diesen Thread.